Zechariah, Book Of

VIEW:20 DATA:01-04-2020

ZECHARIAH, BOOK OF.—The first eight chapters contain the genuine prophecies of Zechariah. Chs. 9–14 are sharply distinguished from these in form, language, and thought. They are generally regarded as anonymous prophecies which became attached to the original book, and are often spoken of as Deutero-Zechariah.
I. Chapters 1–8
1. Historical occasion.—According to Ezra (Ezr_5:1; Ezr_6:14), the prophets Haggai and Zechariah roused Zerubbabel and Joshua to build the Temple, and the work went forward prosperously through their prophesying. The dates given in the book itself assign the prophecies to the second and fourth years of Darius (b.c. 520, 518). The first message (Zec_1:1-5) is placed two months after the first address of Haggai, between the second and third. The section Zec_1:7 to Zec_6:15 is two months later than the last addresses of Haggai, while chs. 7, 8 follow after an interval of nearly two years. The prophecies are thus associated with the earlier part of the four years devoted to the re-building of the Temple, and their contents connect themselves with this occasion.
2. Contents.—The book opens with an exhortation to return unto Jehovah (Zec_1:1-6), based upon the sad experience of the fathers who had not heeded the word of the prophets to return from their evil ways.
It is especially noticeable that this post-exilic prophet, although very familiar with the words of his predecessors, is not enslaved by them; he rather draws a living lesson from a broad view of the vital experiences of the past. The main body of the book (Zec_1:7 to Zec_6:15) is made up of a series of eight visions and a symbolic action, after the manner of Ezekiel. In the first ( Zec_1:7-17) the prophet aees at night, in a myrtle-shaded glen, four horsemen whom the angel that talks with him designates as the messengers of Jehovah. They report that all is quiet in the earth. The angel calls upon Jehovah: ‘How long wilt thou not have mercy on Jerusalem and on the cities of Judah, against which thou hast had indignation these threescore and ten years?’ In response, assurance comes that Jehovah is displeased with the nations which are at ease, He is returned to Jerusalem, His house shall be built, His cities shall overflow with prosperity, Zion be comforted, Jerusalem chosen. The second vision (Zec_1:18-21) is of four horns—the nations which have scattered the holy people—and four smiths, who are to cast them down. Next, the prophet sees (Zec_2:1-5) the future Jerusalem spread far and wide beyond the limits of her old walls, with Jehovah as a wall of fire round about her. There follows a song that calls upon the exiles to return, pictures the discomfiture of those that have plundered them, and the future glory of Zion as Jehovah’s dwelling-place.
In ch. 3, Joshua, the high priest, is seen standing before Jehovah’s angel, clad in filthy garments and accused by the Satan. Now these garments are taken from him, and he is clothed in rich apparel as a symbol of the removal of guilt. Joshua is promised full exercise of his priestly functions if he will walk in Jehovah’s ways; he and those with him are a sign that Jehovah is to bring His servant the Branch (cf. Isa_4:2, Jer_23:5; Jer_33:15). The vision that follows (ch. 4) is of the seven-branched lamp of the Temple, supplied with oil from two olive trees. Probably the promise to Zerubbabel (Zec_4:6-10 a) should be transferred to the end of the chapter; then confusion disappears, and the seven lamps are interpreted as the eyes of Jehovah which run to and fro through the earth. The olive trees are explained as the two sons of oil that stand by the Lord of the whole earth. They must be Zerubbabel and Joshua, representatives of king and priest. The splendid promise to Zerubbabel now closes the picture, as that to Joshua had closed the preceding. In this, Zerubbabel is assured that he shall bring the Temple to completion, not by might nor by power, but by Jehovah’s spirit. The prominent place given in these visions to priest and king, as essential to the national life, is most significant. Next, the prophet aees (Jer_5:1-4) the curse of Jehovah as a book that flies and enters the house of every thief and perjurer to consume it. The seventh vision (Jer_5:6-11) follows naturally upon the preceding. Wickedness, represented by a woman, is carried away from the land to Babylonia. Jehovah’s curse has fallen upon the sinners, and sin itself is now removed to the land of exile. The last vision (Jer_6:1-8) represents four chariots going forth upon the earth; of these the one that goes to the north executes the wrath of Jehovah upon those who have oppressed His people. The visions opened with the horsemen that reported the earth as quiet; they close with the chariots that keep the world in subjection to Jehovah. There follows the symbolic act of crowning Joshua (more probably, in the original text, Zerubbabel). The visions centre in the hope of a glorious future for Jerusalem, with its Temple restored, its enemies stilled, its exiles returned, its sin forgiven, its wickedness removed, and with Jehovah’s spirit flowing in through priest and prince of Davidic line. The visions lead on to the symbolic crowning of the promised ruler.
In the third section (chs. 7, 8), Zechariah is led by a question concerning fasting to teach that the fasts which have been kept in the years of exile are to be changed into joyous feasts. Rather than fast they should observe the teachings of the earlier prophets concerning justice and mercy. With glorious promises for the peace and prosperity of Jerusalem, with the nations coming to seek Jehovah, the original Book of Zechariah closes.
3. Significance.—The historical importance of Zechariah in connection with the re-building of the Temple has already been noted. In the transition from prophetical to apocalyptic literature, this book is an important link. Zechariah has a large measure of the spirit of the early ethical prophets. From the experiences of the past he can draw broad and deep moral lessons, with something of the freedom and consciousness of immediate Divine illumination that distinguished an Amos or an Isaiah. Yet, even in the passages where this is most observable, one feels a harking back that was not characteristic of the earlier prophecy—less of vital touch with present conditions and with the God in whose name he speaks. The centring of hope in prince and priest, with the consciousness that the great era of prophecy is past, sharply distinguishes Zechariah from his pre-exilic predecessors. In the visions, the machinery of apocalypse, Introduced by Ezekiel, has been somewhat developed in its feature of angelic intermediaries. The characteristic apocalyptic spirit, however, with its revelling in the blood of enemies, is noticeably lacking. Zechariah loves, rather, to dwell upon peace and prosperity, upon sin removed, and the Divine spirit inflowing. His message is rich and full, for he has caught the ethical enthusiasm of the great eighth-century prophets, and has enriched it by the spiritual insight of Jeremiah and the glorious hopes of the exilic prophets. Zechariah not only strove to get the Temple built, but also urged upon the builders those moral and spiritual truths without which the Temple and its worship would be hollow mockery.
II. Chapters 9–14
1. Critical analysis.—As early as 1653, it was maintained, in the interest of the accuracy of Mat_27:9-10, that chs. 9–11 were written by Jeremiah. This view was soon adopted by several writers, and chs. 12–14 were connected with 9–11 as the work of the earlier prophet. Near the close of the 18th century, chs. 9–11 and 12–14 were distinguished as separate prophecies, dated respectively, from internal evidence, in the time of Hosea, and shortly after the death of Josiah. At about the same time, the view that 9–14 were really later than Zechariah was advocated. During the 19th century, each of the three general conclusions—(1) that the entire book is the work of Zechariah; (2) that 9–14 are pre-exilic; (3) that 9–14 are post-Zecharian—found many advocates. In the third quarter of the century, however, the first view was largely abandoned, and, after the thoroughgoing discussion of Stade, in 1881–2, the third view became almost completely dominant. Growing knowledge of the general course of development of prophetic and apocalyptic literature makes this conclusion more and more inevitable. How many separate prophecies, by different hands, may be embodied in these six chapters is not determinable with equal clearness. On the whole, however, 9–11 (with Mat_13:7-9) seem distinct from 12–14. Less conclusive are the data which indicate distinct sections as beginning at Mat_11:4 and Mat_14:1. It is not possible to connect chs. 9–14 positively with any known events in the post-exilic history. In general, the historical situation seems to be that of the years after Alexander’s conquests and death, when the Egyptian and Syrian rulers struggled for the possession of Palestine. Possibly some of the material comes from the time just before or during the Maccabæan struggle.
2. Contents.—In Mat_9:1 to Mat_11:2 the oracle is one of doom upon Israel’s neighbours, with promises of dominion and prosperity for Israel, restored to her land. The title ‘burden of the word of Jehovah’ is very unusual, occurring elsewhere only in Zec_12:1 and Mal_1:1. The opening message of doom upon Israel’s neighbours bears outward resemblance to Amos, but the ethical ground of Amos’s denunciation is noticeably lacking. If v. 7 is rightly interpreted as referring to food ritually unclean, the contrast with the early prophet is still more striking. V. 8, with its comforting promise, seems to reflect the devastation of the Temple, as in the past. This is followed by the prediction of the coming king of peace—a beautiful lyric which breaks in sharply upon the context, and is followed by a prediction of successful resistance to the Greeks, and victory given through Jehovah. The shepherds of Judah, Jehovah’s flock, are condemned, and victory is promised to the flock. The house of Judah shall be strengthened, and the house of Joseph restored to its land. In 11:4–17, 13:7–9 the figure of the false shepherds, introduced in the preceding section, is worked out into an allegory of the false and true shepherd, in a way that enables the prophet to illustrate the frustration of God’s beneficeot purpose by the obstinacy of His people, as well as the evil character of their rulers. The three shepherds cut off in quick succession strongly suggest the conditions shortly before the Maccabæan uprising, but the highly symbolic and somewhat imitative character of the prophecy renders it precarious to seek any exact picture of immediate conditions; our ignorance, too, of large portions of the post-exilic age makes it impossible to say that some other time may not have furnished an equally appropriate occasion.
The second main division of chs. 9–14, beginning with ch. 12, leads us immediately into the familiar apocalyptic conception introduced by Zephaniah, and developed by Ezekiel and Joel. The nations are assembled against Jerusalem, there to be consumed through the power of Jehovah. Hope centres in the house of David, and yet this house, it would seem, is now reduced to the position of merely one of the important families of the people. The closing verses of the first section in this division (13:1–6) indicate a time when prophecy is utterly degraded—idols, prophets, unclean spirit are evils to be removed. Ch. 14 gives another apocalyptic vision of the siege of Jerusalem. The onslaught is terrible, and the discomfiture of her enemies is wrought only after great affliction. In this little apocalypse the vengeful, proud hopes with which the wretched, persecuted Jews consuled themselves throughout the later pre-Christian centuries, and on into Christian times, find vivid expression. With these hopes there is clearly present that late, narrow, legalistic spirit which finds its climax of religious outlook in a wide recognition of the feasts, and in ceremonially clean boiling-pots for the sacrifices. It is evident that the closing oracle of this collection appended to Zechariah carries us far into ‘the night of legalism.’
Henry T. Fowler.
Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible
Edited by James Hastings, D.D. Published in 1909

After the decree of Cyrus in 539 BC that released the Jews from captivity, a number returned to their homeland. They settled in Jerusalem under the leadership of the governor Zerubbabel and the high priest Joshua, and set about rebuilding the city and the temple (Ezr_1:1-4; Ezr_2:1-2). Soon they had set up the altar and laid the foundation of the temple, but when local people began persecuting them, they became discouraged and stopped work (Ezr_4:1-5; Ezr_4:24). For sixteen years no work was done on the temple. Then, in 520 BC, God raised up two prophets, Haggai and Zechariah, to stir up the people to get to work again and finish the temple (Ezr_5:1-2; Hag_1:1; Zec_1:1).
Characteristics of the book
The prophets’ preaching for the first six months was largely concerned with encouraging the people through the early difficulties. Haggai began the preaching with two stirring messages (Haggai 1; Hag_2:1-9), after which Zechariah delivered his first message (Zec_1:1-6). Haggai followed this with two more messages (Hag_2:10-23), after which Zechariah delivered his second message (Zec_1:7-21; Zechariah 2; Zechariah 3; Zechariah 4; Zechariah 5; Zechariah 6). Zechariah’s next recorded message was preached when the construction had reached the half-way point (Zechariah 7; Zechariah 8). The temple was finished in 516 BC, after four and a half years work (Ezr_6:14-15).
Haggai and Zechariah were both concerned with rousing the people from their spiritual laziness and getting them to work on the temple, but the preaching of Zechariah went further. Through him God was preparing his people for the task for which he had chosen them, namely, the coming of the Messiah, the establishment of his kingdom and the salvation of people worldwide. Zechariah was therefore concerned to bring about a lasting spiritual change in the lives of the people.
The latter half of Zechariah’s book, which consists of two messages delivered probably late in his life, shows that the task the people faced was not an easy one. There would be bitter conflicts with the forces of evil, but in the end God’s kingdom would triumph.
In contrast to the straightforward preaching of Haggai, Zechariah’s preaching was often mysterious and colourful. His book shows characteristics of the apocalyptic literature that developed in Israel over the next few centuries. Apocalyptic writers presented their messages in the form of visions in which symbolic figures and numbers usually featured (see APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE).
Contents of the book
After an initial call to repentance (1:1-6), Zechariah recounts eight visions, all of which concern the rebuilding of the temple and God’s purposes for his people. The first three visions give encouragement to the workmen (1:7-2:13), the central pair give encouragement to the leaders, Joshua and Zerubbabel (3:1-4:14), and the last three give assurance of final victory (5:1-6:8). A short narrative recounts the crowning of the high priest (6:9-15).
At the half-way point in the building program, some representatives of the people asked Zechariah if they should still keep certain fasts to mourn the destruction of the former temple. In response Zechariah warns not to mourn over the past, but to have confidence for the future (7:1-8:23).
In the first of the two longer messages given later in life, Zechariah speaks of the punishment of enemies and the restoration of freedom. He draws a striking contrast between the worthless leadership of unspiritual people and the kind of leadership God wants (9:1-11:17). In the second message he warns that the victory Israel looked for will be achieved only at great cost and with much sorrow. He again notes the difference between the false shepherds and the true shepherd, and looks forward to the final triumph of the Messiah’s kingdom (12:1-14:21).
Bridgeway Bible Dictionary by Don Fleming
PRINTER 1990.

1. The Prophet
2. His Times and Mission
3. Contents and Analysis
4. The Critical Question Involved
5. The Unity of the Book
6. Conclusion
LITERATURE
Few books of the Old Testament are as difficult of interpretation as the Book of Zechariah; no other book is as Messianic. Jewish expositors like Abarbanel and Jarchi, and Christian expositors such as Jerome, are forced to concede that they have failed ?to find their hands? in the exposition of it, and that in their investigations they passed from one labyrinth to another, and from one cloud into another, until they lost themselves in trying to discover the prophet's meaning. The scope of Zechariah's vision and the profundity of his thought are almost without a parallel. In the present writer's judgment, his book is the most Messianic, the most truly apocalyptic and eschatological, of all the writings of the Old Testament.

1. The Prophet:
Zechariah was the son of Berechiah, and the grandson of Iddo (Zec_1:1, Zec_1:7). The same Iddo seems to be mentioned among the priests who returned from exile under Zerubbabel and Joshua in the year 536 BC (Neh_12:4; Ezr_2:2). If so, Zechariah was a priest as well as a prophet, and presumably a young man when he began to preach. Tradition, on the contrary, declares that he was well advanced in years. He apparently survived Haggai, his contemporary (Ezr_5:1; Ezr_6:14). He was a poet as well as a prophet. Nothing is known of his end. The Targum says he died a martyr.

2. His Times and Mission:
The earliest date in his book is the 2nd year (520 BC) of the reign of Darius Hystaspis, and the latest, the 4th year of the same king's reign (Zec_1:1, Zec_1:7; Zec_7:1). Though these are the only dates given in his writings, it is possible of course that he may have continued active for several additional years. Otherwise, he preached barely two years. The conditions under which he labored were similar to those in Haggai's times. Indeed, Haggai had begun to preach just two months before Zechariah was called. At that time there were upheavals and commotions in different parts of the Persian empire, especially in the Northeast Jeremiah's prophecies regarding the domination of Babylon for 70 years had been fulfilled (Jer_15:11; Jer_29:10). The returned captives were becoming disheartened and depressed because Yahweh had not made it possible to restore Zion and rebuild the temple. The foundations of the latter had been already laid, but as yet there was no superstructure (Ezr_3:8-10; Zec_1:16). The altar of burnt offering was set up upon its old site, but as yet there were no priests worthy to officiate in the ritual of sacrifice (Ezr_3:2, Ezr_3:3; Zec_3:3). The people had fallen into apathy, and needed to be aroused to their opportunity. Haggai had given them real initiative, for within 24 days after he began to preach the people began to work (Hag_1:1, Hag_1:15). It was left for Zechariah to bring the task of temple-building to completion. This Zechariah did successfully; this, indeed, was his primary mission and work.

3. Contents and Analysis:
The prophecies of Zechariah naturally fall into two parts, chapters 1 through 8 and 9 through 14, both of which begin with the present and look forward into the distant future. (1) Zechariah 1 through 8, consisting of three distinct messages delivered on three different occasions: (a) Zec_1:1-6, an introduction, delivered in the 8th month of the 2nd year of Darius Hystaspis (520 BC). These words, having been spoken three months before the prophecies which follow, are obviously a general introduction. They are decidely spiritual and strike the keynote of the entire collection. In them the prophet issues one of the strongest and most intensely spiritual calls to repentance to be found in the Old Testament. (b) Zec 1:7 through 6:15, a series of eight night visions, followed by a coronation scene, all delivered on the 24th day of the 11th month of the same 2nd year of Darius (520 BC), or exactly two months after the corner stone of the temple had been laid (Hag_2:18; Zec_1:7). These visions were intended to encourage the people to rebuild God's house. They are eight in number, and teach severally the following lessons:
(i) The vision of the horses (Zec_1:7-17), teaching God's special care for and interest in his people: ?My house shall be built? (Zec_1:16). (ii) The four horns and four smiths (Zec_1:18-21), teaching that Israel's foes have finally been destroyed; in fact that they have destroyed themselves. There is no longer, therefore, any opposition to building God's house. (iii) The man with a measuring line (Zec_2:1-13), teaching that God will re-people, protect and dwell in Jerusalem as soon as the sacred edifice has been built. The city itself will expand till it becomes a great metropolis without walls; Yahweh will be a wall of fire round about it. (iv) Joshua, the high priest, clad in filthy garments, and bearing the sins both of himself and the people (Zec_3:1-10); but cleansed, continued and made typical of the Messiah-Branch to come. (v) The candelabrum and the two olive trees (Zec_4:1-14), teaching that the visible must give place to the spiritual, and that, through ?the two sons of oil,? Zerubbabel the layman, and Joshua the priest (Zec_4:14), the light of God's church will continue to burn with ever-flaming brightness. For it is ?not by might? but by Yahweh's Spirit, i.e. by divine life and animation, by divine vigor and vivacity, by divine disposition and courage, by divine executive ability and technical skill, that God's house shall be built and supplied with spiritual life (Zec_4:6). (vi) The flying roll (Zec_5:1-4), teaching that when the temple is built and God's law is taught the land shall be purified from outward wickedness. (vii) The Ephah (Zec_5:5-11); wickedness personified is borne away back to the land of Shinar, teaching that when the temple is rebuilt wickedness shall be actually removed from the land. (viii) The four chariots (Zec_6:1-8), teaching that God's protecting providence will be over His sanctuary, and that His people, purified from sin, shall rest secure in Him. These eight visions are followed by a coronation scene, in which Joshua the high priest is crowned and made typical of the Messiah-Priest-King, whose name is Branch (Zec_6:9-15). (c) Zec_7:1-14; 8, Zechariah's answer to the Bethel deputation concerning fasting; delivered on the 4th day of the 9th month of the 4th year of Darius (518 BC). The Jews had been accustomed to fast on the anniversaries of the following four great outstanding events in the history of their capital: (i) when Nebuchadnezzar took Jerusalem, in the 4th month (Jer_52:6); (ii) when the Temple was burned in the 5th month (Jer_52:12); (iii) when Gedaliah was murdered in the 7th month (Jer_41:2); and (iv) when the siege of Jerusalem was begun in the 10th month (2Ki_25:1).
There are four sections to the prophet's answer divided by the slightly varying formula, ?The word of Yahweh came unto me? (Zec_7:4, Zec_7:8; Zec_8:1, Zec_8:18) and teaching: (a) Fasting affects only yourselves; God requires obedience (Zec_7:4-7). (b) Look at the lesson from your fathers; they forsook justice and compassion and God punished them (Zec_7:8-14). (c) Yahweh is now waiting to return to Jerusalem to save His people in truth and holiness. In the future, instead of a curse God will send blessing, instead of evil, good (Zec 8:1-17). (d) In fact, your fasts shall be changed into festivals, and many nations shall in that day seek Yahweh of hosts in Jerusalem (Zec_8:18-23).
(2) Zechariah 9 through 14, consisting of two oracles, without dates; (a) Zechariah 9 through 11, an oracle of promise to the new theocracy. This section contains promises of a land in which to dwell, a return from exile, victory over a hostile world-power, temporal blessings and national strength, closing, with a parable of judgment brought on by Israel's rejection of Yahweh as their shepherd; thus Judah and Ephraim restored, united and made victorious over their enemies, are promised a land and a king (Zec 9); Israel shall be saved and strengthened (Zec_10:1-12); Israel shall be punished for rejecting the shepherding care of Yahweh (Zec 11); (b) Zechariah 12 through 14, an oracle describing the victories of the new theocracy, and the coming day of Yahweh. This section is strongly eschatological, presenting three distinct apocalyptic pictures: thus how Jerusalem shall be besieged by her enemies, but saved by Yahweh (Zec_12:1-14); how a remnant of Israel purified and refined shall be saved (Zec_13:1-9); closing with a grand apocalyptic vision of judgment and redemption - the nations streaming up to Jerusalem to keep the joyous Feast of Tabernacles, and everything in that day becoming holy to Yahweh.

4. The Critical Question Involved:
There are two opposing schools of criticism in regard to the origin of Zechariah 9 through 14; one holds what is known as the pre-exilic hypothesis, according to which chapters 9 through 14 were written before the downfall of Jerusalem; more specifically, that Zechariah 9 through 11 and Zec_13:7-9 spring from the 8th century BC, having been composed perhaps by Zechariah, the son of Jeberechiah mentioned in Isa_8:2; whereas Zechariah 12 through 14, except Zec_13:7-9, were composed by some unknown contemporary of Jeremiah in the 7th century BC. On the other hand, there are also those who advocate a late post-Zecharian origin for chapters 9 through 14, somewhere about the 3rd century BC. The latter hypothesis is today the more popular. Over against these the traditional view, of course, is that Zechariah, near the close of the 6th century, wrote the entire book ascribed to him. Only chapters 9 through 14 are in dispute. No one doubts the genuineness of Zechariah 1 through 8.
The following are the main arguments of those who advocate a pre-exilic origin for these oracles: (1) Zec_11:8, ?And I cut off the three shepherds in one month.? These ?three shepherds? are identified with certain kings who reigned but a short time each in the Northern Kingdom; for example, Zechariah, Shallum and Menahem (2Ki_15:8-14). But the difficulty with this argument is that they were not cut off ?in one month?; Menahem, on the contrary, reigned 10 years in Samaria (2Ki_15:17). (2) Zec_12:11-14, which speaks of ?a great mourning in Jerusalem, as the mourning of Hadadrimmon in the valley of Megiddon,? is claimed to fix the date of Zechariah 12 through 14. Josiah fell in the valley of Megiddo (2Ki_23:29; 2Ch_35:22). But surely the mourning of Judah for Josiah might have been remembered for a century, from 609 BC till 518 BC. (3) Zec_14:5, referring to the ?earthquake? in the days of Uzziah, is another passage fastened upon to prove the preexilic origin of these prophecies. But the earthquake which is here alluded to took place at least a century and a half before the date assigned for the composition of Zechariah 14. And surely if an earthquake can be alluded to by an author 150 years after it occurs, Zechariah, who lived less than a century later, might have alluded to it also. (4) A much stronger argument in favor of a pre-exilic origin of these prophecies is the names given to theocracy, e.g. ?Ephraim? and ?Jerusalem? (Zec_9:10), ?Judah? and ?Ephraim? (Zec_9:13), ?house of Judah? and ?house of Joseph? (Zec_10:6), ?Judah and Israel? (Zec_11:14), implying that the kingdoms of Israel and Judah are still standing. But subsequent to the captivity the Jews ever regarded themselves as representatives of the 12 tribes, as is obvious from their offering 12 sacrifices (Ezr_6:17; Ezr_8:35). Moreover, old names such as ?Israel? and ?Judah? long survived (compare Jer_31:27-31; Zec_8:13). (5) Zec_14:10, which defines the area occupied by Judah as extending ?from Geba to Rimmon,? which corresponds, it is alleged, with the conditions which prevailed just prior to the captivity. But it satisfies equally well the conditions after the exile in Zechariah's own time. (6) Again, it is argued that the national sins, the prevailing sins, idolatry, teraphim and false prophecy (Zec_10:2; Zec_13:2-6), are those of pre-exilic times. But the same sins persisted in the post-exilic congregation (Neh_6:7-14; Mal_2:11; Mal_3:5), and there is no special emphasis laid upon them here. (7) Finally, it is argued that the enemies of Israel mentioned in Zechariah 9 through 14 are those of pre-exilic times, Assyria and Egypt (Zec_10:10, Zec_10:11), Syria, Phoenicia and Philistia (Zec_9:1-7). But forms of expression are slow in changing: the name ?Assyrians? occurs in Lam_5:6, and ?Assyria? is employed instead of ?Persia? in Ezr_6:22. Jeremiah prophesied against Damascus and Hamath long after their loss of independence (Jer_49:23-27). After the exile, the Philistines resisted Israel's return (Neh_4:7, Neh_4:8). In short all these nations were Israel's hereditary foes, and, therefore, judgments pronounced against them were always in place. Furthermore, it may be said in general that there are reasons for thinking that, in both halves of the Book of Zechariah, the exile is represented as an event of the past, and that the restoration from exile both of Ephraim and Judah, though incomplete, has already begun. This is unquestionably true of Zechariah 1 through 8 (Zec_1:12; Zec_2:6-12; Zec_6:10; Zec_7:5; Zec_8:7, Zec_8:8). The exile is treated as a fact. It is almost equally true of Zechariah 9 through 14 (compare Zec_9:8, Zec_9:11; Zec_10:6, Zec_10:8-10). Moreover, it may with justice be claimed that the alleged authors of chapters 9 through 14 dissociate themselves from any definitely named person or any specific event known to be pre-exilic. God alone is described as Ruler of His people. The only king mentioned is the Messiah-King (Zec_9:9, Zec_9:10; Zec_14:9). The ?house of David? mentioned in Zec_12:7-12; Zec_13:1, is never described as in possession of the throne. It is David's ?house,? and not any earthly ruler in it, of which the prophet speaks. Further, there are passages, indeed, in chapters 9 through 14 which, if pre-exilic in origin, would have been obscure and even misleading to a people confronted by the catastrophes of 722 and 586 BC. No specific enemy is alluded to. No definite army is named as approaching. Instead of Assyria, Javan is painted as the opposing enemy of theocracy (Zec_9:13), and even she is not yet raised up or even threatening. On the other hand, in Zechariah 12 through 14, it is not the Chaldeans under Nebuchadnezzar, but ?all nations,? who are described as coming up against Jerusalem (Zec_12:2, Zec_12:3; Zec_14:2). Moreover, victory and not defeat is promised (Zec_9:8, Zec_9:14, Zec_9:16; Zec_12:4, Zec_12:7, Zec_12:8). The preexilic prophets Amos, Hosea and Jeremiah held out no such hopes. These oracles, however, promise even temporal prosperity and abundance (Jer_9:17; Jer_10:1, Jer_10:8, Jer_10:12; Jer_12:8; Jer_14:2, Jer_14:14); and they exhort the people to rejoice rather than to fear (Jer_9:9; Jer_10:7); while in Jer_14:16-19 all nations are represented as going up to Jerusalem to keep the Feast of Tabernacles, which was the most joyous feast of the Hebrew calendar. All this is quite the opposite of what the pre-exilic prophets (who are known to have been pre-exilic) actually prophesied. In Zec 9 through 14, there is sounded forth not one clear note of alarm or warning; judgment rather gives place to hope, warning to encouragement, threatening to joy and gladness, all of which is most inconsistent with the idea that these chapters are of preexilic origin. On the other hand, their are perfectly consistent with the conditions and promises of post-exilic times.
The other hypothesis remaining to be discussed is that known as the post-Zecharian. This may be said to represent the prevailing critical view at the present time. But it, like the pre-exilic hypothesis, is based upon a too literalistic and mechanical view of prophecy. Those, like Stade, Wellhausen, Kuenen, Marti, Kautzsch, Cornill, Cheyne, Driver, Kuiper, Echardt and Mitchell, who advocate this view, employ the same critical methods as those whose views we have just discussed, but arrive at diametrically opposite conclusions. Indeed, no two critics agree as to the historical circumstances which produced these oracles. Most are of the opinion, however, that these chapters were composed during the Greek period, i.e. after 333 BC. In examining the arguments urged by the representatives of this school special caution is needed in distinguishing between the grounds advanced in support of a post-exilic and those which argue a post-Zecharian date. The former we may for the most part accept, as Zechariah was himself a post-exilic prophet; the latter we must first examine. In favor of a very late or Grecian origin for Zechariah 9 through 14, the chief and all-important passage, and the one upon which more emphasis is placed than upon all others together, is Zec_9:13, ?For I have bent Judah for me, I have filled the bow with Ephraim; and I will stir up thy sons, O Zion, against thy sons, O Greece, and will make thee as the sword of a mighty man.? Kuiper in summing up throws the whole weight of his argument in favor of a Greek date on this verse. Wellhausen makes it decide the date of these prophecies; while Stade declares that the announcement of the ?sons of Javan? is alone sufficient to prove that these prophecies are after 333 BC. Two things are especially emphasized by critics in connection with this important passage: (1) that the sons of Javan are the world-power of the author's day, namely, the Greek-Maccabean world-power; and (2) that they are the enemies of Zion. But in opposition to these claims it should be observed (1) that the sons of Javan are but one of several world-powers within the range of the prophet's horizon (Zec_9:1-7, Syria, Phoenicia, Philistia; Zec_12:2 f; Zec_14:2 f, all nations; and Zec_10:10, Zec_10:11, Assyria and Egypt); and (2) that the Greeks under Alexander were not the enemies of Zion, and did not fight against the Jews, but against the Persians. Assuming the genuineness of the passage (Zec_9:13), the following considerations point to the Persian period as its probable historical background: (a) The prophecy would be vague and meaningless if uttered after the invasion of Alexander. (b) The passage does not describe a victory for the sons of Javan, but rather a defeat. (c) It is introduced by an appeal to those still in exile to return, which would have been quite meaningless after Alexander's conquest. (d) In short, Zec_9:13-17, as a whole, is not a picture of actual war, but rather an apocalyptic vision of the struggle of Israel with the world-power of the West, hence, its indefiniteness and figurative language.
Furthermore, it must not be forgotten that in Zechariah's own day the Greeks were rapidly becoming a menacing world-power. In the first 3 years (521-519 BC) of Darius' reign, 12 different revolts took place, principally in the North and East But, in 518, Darius was compelled to move westward at the head of his royal armies; Darius' visit to Egypt in 517 BC was cut short by the disturbances of the Greeks (compare Wiedemann, Gesch., 236). In the year 516 BC the Greeks of the Hellespont and Bosporus, with the island of Samos, were made to submit to Pets rule. The next year (515 BC), Darius led an expedition against the Scythians across the Danube, the failure of which encouraged the Ionians subsequently to revolt. In 500 BC the great Ionian revolt actually took place. In 499 BC Sardis, the most important stronghold for Persia in Asia Minor, was burned by the Athenians. In 490 BC Marathon was fought and Persia was conquered. In 480 BC Xerxes was defeated at Salamis. But it is unnecessary to sketch the rise of Jayan further. Enough has been related to show that already in the reign of Darius Hystaspis - in whose reign Zechariah is known to have lived and prophesied - the sons of Greece were a rising world-power, and a threatening world-power. This is all really that is required by the passage. The sons of Jayan were but one of Israel's enemies in Zechariah's day; but they were of such importance that victory over them carried with it momentous Messianic interests. The language of chapter 9 is vague, and, in our judgment, too vague and too indefinite to have been uttered after Marathon (490 BC), or even after the burning of Sardis (500 BC); for, in that case, the author would have been influenced more by Greece and less by the movements and commotions of the nations.
Other arguments advanced by the post-Zecharian school are: (1) Zec_14:9, ?And Yahweh shall be King over all the earth: in that day shall Yahweh be one, and his name one.? To Stade this passage contains a polemic against the conditions in Greek times when all gods were conceived of as only different representations of one and the same god. But, on the contrary, the post-exilic congregation was as truly a theocracy in the days of Darius Hystaspis as in the period subsequent to Alexander's conquest. The Jewish colony of the Restoration was a religious sect, not a political organization. Zechariah often pictures the close relation of Yahweh to His people (Zec_2:10-13; Zec_8:3, Zec_8:13), and the author of chapters 9 through 14 describes similar conditions. The ?yearning for a fuller theocracy,? which Cheyne (Bampton Lectures, 120) discovers in Zec 9-14, is thoroughly consistent with the yearning of a struggling congregation in a land of forsaken idols shortly after the return from exile. (2) Zec_12:2, interpreted to mean that ?Judah also, forced by the enemy, shall be in the siege against Jerusalem,? is a proof, it is alleged, that the children of the Diaspora had served as soldiers. The verse, accordingly, is said to be a description of the hostile relations which actually existed between Jerusalem and Judah in the beginning of the Maccabean struggle. The validity of these claims, however, is vitiated by a correct exegesis of the passage in hand. The text is apparently corrupt. In order to obtain a subject for ?shall be,? the preposition before Judah had better be stricken out, as in the Targum. The passage then translated reads, ?And Judah also shall be in the siege against Jerusalem.? But this is ambiguous. It may mean that Judah shall fight against Jerusalem, or it may mean that Judah, too, shall be besieged. The latter is obviously the true meaning of the passage, as Zec_12:7 indicates. For, as one nation might besiege Jerusalem (a city), so all nations, coming up are practically going to besiege Judah. The Septuagint favors this interpretation; likewise the Coptic version; and Zec_14:14. Wellhausen frankly concedes that ?no characteristic of the prophecy under discussion in reality agrees with the conditions of the Maccabean time. The Maccabees were not the Jews of the lowland, and they did not join themselves with the heathen out of hatred to the city of Jerusalem, in order finally to fall treacherously upon their companions in war. There is not the slightest hint in our passage of religious persecution; that alone decides, and hence, the most important sign of Maccabean times is wanting.? (3) Zec_10:10, Zec_10:11, which mentions ?Egypt? and ?Assyria? (and which, strange to say, is also one of the strongest proofs in support of the preexilic hypothesis), is singularly enough interpreted to refer respectively to the Ptolemies of Egypt and the Seleucids of Syria. But this is quite impossible, and especially so in view of the prominence which is given to Egypt in Zec_14:19, which points to Persian rather than Greek conditions; for then Egypt, in consequence of her perpetual efforts to throw off the Persian yoke, was naturally brought under the observation of the Jews in Palestine, who repeatedly beheld the Persian armies passing on their way to the valley of the Nile.
(4) Still another argument advanced in favor of a late post-Zecharian date for these oracles is that from language and style: Aramaisms, scriptio plena, the preponderance of the shorter form of the personal pronoun ?I,? the Hebrew ending ōn, the frequent use of the nota accusativi, especially with suffixes, the omission of the article, the use of the infinitive absolute, and the clumsy diction and weary repetition of these prophecies are pointed to as evidence of their origin in Grecian times. But in opposition to these claims, it may be remarked in general that their force is greatly weakened by two considerations: (a) the fact that the author of Zechariah 9 through 14 depends so largely on older prophecies for his thoughts, and consequently more or less for his language; and (b) the fact that these prophecies are so very brief. There is no mode of reasoning so treacherous as that from language and style. (For the technical discussion of this point, see the present writer's The Prophecies of Zechariah, 54-59.)

5. The Unity of the Book:
Among the further objections made to the genuineness of Zechariah 9 through 14, and consequently to the unity of the book, the following are the chief: (1) There are no ?visions? in these oracles as in Zechariah 1 through 6. But there are none either in Zec_7:1-14; 8, and yet these latter are not denied to Zechariah. As a matter of fact, however, visions do actually occur in chapters 9 through 14, only of a historico-parabolic (Zec_11:4-17) and eschatological character (Zec_9:13-17; Zec_12:1-14; 14). (2) There are ?no dates,? as in Zec_1:1, Zec_1:7; Zec_7:1. But dates are seldom attached to ?oracles? (Isa_13:1; Isa_15:1; Nah_1:1; Hab_1:1; Mal_1:1). There is but one instance in the entire Old Testament (Isa_14:28 margin); whereas ?visions? are frequently dated. (3) There is ?no Satan.? But Satan is never mentioned elsewhere in any prophetic book of the Old Testament. (4) There is ?no interpreting angel? in Zechariah 9 through 14. But ?oracles? need no interpreting angel. On the other hand, ?the Angel of Yahweh? is mentioned in both parts (Zec_3:1 ff; Zec_12:8), a fact which is far more noteworthy. (5) Proper names are wanting in Zechariah 9 through 14, e.g. Zerubbabel and Joshua. But neither do these names occur in chapters 7; 8. (6) The sins alluded to are different, e.g. theft and false swearing in Zec_5:3, Zec_5:1; while in Zec_10:2 seeking teraphim and in Zec_13:2 ff false prophecy are named. But these sins may have existed side by side. What is far more noteworthy, in both parts the prophet declares that all these evils shall be taken away and removed out of the land (Zec_3:9; Zec_5:9-11; Zec_13:1, Zec_13:2). (7) The Messianic pictures are different, e.g. in Zechariah 1 through 8 the Messiah is spoken of as Branch-Priest (Zec_3:8, Zec_3:9; Zec_6:12, Zec_6:13); whereas in chapters 9 through 14, as King, (Zec_9:9, Zec_9:10). But in Zec_6:13 it is expressly stated that the Branch-Priest ?shall sit and rule upon his throne.? Of far greater moment is the picture of the nations coming to Zion to worship Yahweh. This remarkable picture recurs in all the different sections of the book (Zec_6:12, Zec_6:13, Zec_6:15; Zec_8:20-23; Zec_12:6; Zec_14:16-19).
On the other hand, the following are some of the arguments which favor the genuineness of these disputed chapters: (1) The fundamental ideas of both parts are the same. By this we mean that the deeper we go the nearer we approach unity. As Dr. G.A. Smith argues against Graetz, who divides Hosea 1 through 3 from Hosea 4 through 14, ?in both parts there are the same religious principles and the same urgent and jealous temper?; the same is equally true of Zec 1 through 8 and Zec 9 through 14. Certain similarities are especially noteworthy, e.g. (a) an unusually deep, spiritual tone pervades the entire book. The call to a true repentance, first sounded forth in the introduction (Zec_1:1-7), is developed more and more throughout the entire 14 chapters; thus, in the sanctifying of Joshua (Zec_3:4), in the message to Zerubbabel, ?not by might, nor by power, but by my Spirit? (Zec_4:6), in the conditions of future blessing (Zec_6:15), in the answer to the Bethel deputation (Zec_7:5-9; Zec_8:16 ff); and in Zechariah 9 through 14, in the consecration of the remnant of the Philistines (Zec_9:7), in the blessings to Ephraim (Zec_10:12), in the baptism of grace upon Jerusalem (Zec_12:10), in the fountain for sin (Zec_13:1), in the worship of Yahweh (Zec_13:9), in the living waters going forth from Jerusalem (Zec_14:8), and in the dedication of everything as holy unto the Lord (Zec_14:20, Zec_14:21). The tone which tempers these prophecies is an extraordinarily deep and spiritual one throughout. And this argument cannot be set aside by rejecting wholesale certain passages as later interpolations, as is done by Mitchell (ICC, 242-44). (b) There is a similar attitude of hope and expectation in both parts. This is especially important. For example, (i) the return of the whole nation is a prevailing idea of happiness in both parts (Zec_2:6, Zec_2:10; Zec_8:7, Zec_8:8; Zec_9:12; Zec_10:6, Zec_10:7). (ii) The expectation that Jerusalem shall be inhabited (Zec_1:16, Zec_1:17; Zec_2:4; Zec_8:3, Zec_8:8; Zec_12:6; Zec_14:10, Zec_14:11), (iii) and that the temple shall be built and become the center of the nation's religious life (Zec_1:16, Zec_1:17; Zec_3:7; Zec_6:15; Zec_7:2, Zec_7:3; Zec_9:8; Zec_14:20, Zec_14:21). (iv) Messianic hope is peculiarly strong in both (Zec_3:8, Zec_3:9; Zec_6:12, Zec_6:13; Zec_9:9, Zec_9:10; Zec_11:12, Zec_11:13; Zec_12:10; Zec_13:1, Zec_13:7-9). (v) Peace and prosperity are expected (Zec_1:17; Zec_3:10; Zec_6:13; Zec_8:12, Zec_8:19; Zec_9:10, Zec_9:12-17; Zec_10:1, Zec_10:7, Zec_10:8, Zec_10:10, Zec_10:12; Zec_12:8; Zec_14:11, Zec_14:16-19). (vi) The idea of God's providence as extending to the whole earth (Zec_1:14-17; Zec_2:9, Zec_2:12; Zec_4:10; Zec_6:5; Zec_9:1, Zec_9:8, Zec_9:14; Zec_10:3, Zec_10:1, Zec_10:9, Zec_10:12; Zec_12:2-4, Zec_12:8; Zec_13:7; Zec_14:3, Zec_14:9). Again, (c) the prophet's attitude toward Judah is the same in both parts. It is an attitude of supreme regard for Judah's interests, making them second only to the capital (Zec_2:2, Zec_2:4, 16; Zec_8:19; Zec_1:12; Zec_8:13, Zec_8:15; Zec_12:2; Zec_14:14; Zec_10:3; Zec_12:4, Zec_12:6, Zec_12:7; Zec_14:21; Zec_9:9, Zec_9:13; Zec_10:6; Zec_11:14; Zec_14:5). The prophet's attitude toward the nations, the enemies of theocracy, is the same in both parts. The whole assembled world are the enemies of Israel. But though they have scattered Judah, Israel and Jerusalem (Zec_1:11), and are still coming up to besiege Jerusalem (Zec_12:2; Zec_14:2), yet they shall be joined to the Lord in that day (Zec_2:11) and worship Yahweh like the Jews (Zec_8:20-23; Zec_14:16-19). These are all striking instances of similarity in the fundamental ideas of the two parts of the book.
(2) There are peculiarities of thought common to both parts: e.g. (a) the habit of dwelling on the same thought (Zec_2:1, Zec_2:4, Zec_2:5, Zec_2:11; Zec_6:12, Zec_6:13; Zec_8:4, Zec_8:5; Zec_8:21, Zec_8:22; Zec_11:8; parallel Zec_13:3; Zec_14:5, Zec_14:16, Zec_14:18, Zec_14:19); (b) the habit of expanding one fundamental thought into a series of clauses (Zec_6:13; Zec_9:5, Zec_9:7; Zec_1:17; Zec_3:8, Zec_3:9; Zec_12:4); (c) the habit of referring to a thought already introduced: e.g. to the ?Branch? (Zec_3:8; Zec_6:12); ?eyes? (Zec_3:9; Zec_4:10); measuring ?line? (Zec_1:16; Zec_2:5, Zec_2:6); choosing Jerusalem (Zec_1:17; Zec_2:12; Zec_3:2); removing iniquity (Zec_3:9; Zec_5:3 ff; Zec_13:2); measurements (Zec_5:2; Zec_14:10); colors of horses (Zec_1:8; Zec_6:2, Zec_6:6); the idea of Israel as a ?flock? (Zec_9:16; Zec_10:2; Zec_11:4 f; Zec_13:7); idols (Zec_10:2; Zec_13:2); shepherds (Zec_11:3 ff; Zec_13:7); and of ?all nations? (Zec_11:10; Zec_12:3 ff; Zec_14:2 ff); Mitchell in attempting to answer this argument has failed utterly to grasp the point (ICC, 243); (d) the use made of the cardinal number ?two?; thus, two olive trees (Zec_4:3); two women (Zec_5:9); two mountains (Zec_6:1); two staves (Zec_11:7); two parts (Zec_14:2, Zec_14:4); with which compare Zec_6:13; Zec_9:12; Zec_14:8; (e) the resort in each part of the book to symbolic actions as a mode of instruction; e.g. the coronation scene in Zec_6:9-15, and the breaking of the two staves in Zec_11:4-14.
(3) Certain peculiarities of diction and style favor unity of authorship; e.g. the phrase ?no man passed through nor returned? (Zec_7:14; Zec_9:8) never occurs elsewhere in the Old Testament. The author's preference for and frequent use of vocatives (Zec_2:7, Zec_2:10; Zec_3:2, Zec_3:8; Zec_4:7; Zec_9:9, Zec_9:13; Zec_11:1, Zec_11:2; Zec_13:7); and especially the frequent alternation of the scriptio plena and the scriprio defectiva orthography in the Hebrew (compare Zec_1:2, Zec_1:5 with Zec_1:4, Zec_1:6 and Zec_8:14; Zec_2:11 with Zec_5:7; Zec_1:11 with Zec_7:7; Zec_9:5 with Zec_10:5, Zec_10:11; and Zec_10:4 with Zec_9:9).
Accordingly, we conclude, (1) that Zechariah 9 through 14 are of post-exilic origin; (2) that they are not, however, late post-exilic; (3) that they had their origin in the period just before the completion of the temple, 516 BC, and (4) that they were probably composed by Zechariah himself.

6. Conclusion:
This conclusion is based upon the text taken as a whole, without an arbitrary dissection of the prophecies in the interests of a false theory. Mitchell (ICC, 258-59), after eliminating numerous individual passages, arrives at the conclusion that Zechariah 9 through 14 were written by four different writers; (1) Zec_9:1-10, soon after 333 BC; (2) Zec 9:11 through 11:3, about 247-222 BC; (3) Zec_11:4-17 and Zec_13:7-9, between 217 and 204 BC; and (4) Zec 12:1 through 13:6 and chapter 14, about the same time. Tradition points to a saner and securer conclusion, that these oracles were written by Zechariah himself; which in turn is corroborated by internal evidence, as has been shown above. One wonders why these oracles, written so late in Israel's history, should have been appended by the collectors of the Canon to the genuine prophecies of Zechariah, if, as is alleged, that prophet had nothing whatever to do with them!

Literature.
(1) Those Who Defend the Unity of the Book:
C. H. H. Wright, Zechariah and His Prophecies (Bampton Lectures), London, 1879; G. L. Robinson, The Prophecies of Zechariah, with Special Reference to the Origin and Date of Chapters 9 through 14, Leipzig Dissertation, reprinted from American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, XII, 1896; W.H. Lowe, Hebrew Student's Commentary on Zechariah, Hebrew and the Septuagint, London, 1882; O.J. Bredenkamp, Der Prophet Sach., Erklart, 1879; Marcus Dods, The Post-Exilian Prophets: Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi (?Handbook for Biblical Classes?), Edinburgh, 1879; E.B. Pusey, Minor Prophets, 1877; W. Drake, ?Commentary on Zechariah? (Speaker's Commentary), 1876; T. W. Chambers, ?The Book of Zechariah? (Lange's Bible Work), 1874; A. Van Hoonacker, in Revue Biblique, 1902, 161 ff; idem, Les douze petits prophetes, 1908; Wm. Moeller, article ?Zechariah? in The Illustrated Bible Dictionary, edited by W.C. Piercy, 1908.

(2) Those Who Advocate a Preexilic Origin for Zechariah 9 Through 14:
Hitzig-Steiner, Die zwolf kleinen Propheten, 1881; Samuel Davidson, An Introduction to the Old Testament, 1862-63; W. Pressel, Commentar zu den Schriften der Propheten Haggai, Sacharja und Maleachi, 1870; C. A. Bruston, Histoire critique de la litterature prophetique des Hebreux, 1881; Samuel Sharpe, History of the Hebrew Nation, Literature and Chronology, 1882; G. von Orelll, Das Buch Ezechiel u. die zwolf kleinen Propheten, 1888; Ferd. Montet, Etude critique sur la date assignable aux six derniers chapitres de Zac, 1882; H. L. Strack, Einleitung in das Altes Testament, 1895; F. W. Farrar, Minor Prophets, in ?Men of the Bible? series.

(3) Those Who Advocate a Post-Zecharian Origin for Zecharaih 9 Through 14:
B. Stade, ?Deuterozacharja, eine krit. Studie,? in ZATW, 1881-82; T. K. Cheyne, ?The Date of Zec 9-14,? in JQR, I, 1889; C. H. Cornill, Einleitung in das Altes Testament, 1891; S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, 1910; J. Wellhausen, Die kleinen Propheten ubersetzt, 1893; N. I. Rubinkam, The Second Part of the Book of Zechariah, 1892; Karl Marti, Der Prophet Sacharja, 1892; A. F. Kirkpatrick, Doctrine of the Prophets, 1892; R. Eckardt, ?Der Sprachgebrauch von Zach 9 through 14,? ZATW, 1893, 76-109; A. K. Kuiper, Zacharja 9 through 14; eine exegetischcritische Studie, 1894; J. W. Rothstein, Die Nachtgesichte des Sacharja, 1910; G.A. Smith in Expositor's Bible, 1896-97; S. R. Driver In the New Century Bible; H. G. Mitchell, ICC, 1912.

International Standard Bible Encyclopedia
PRINTER 1915.


The time and personal circumstances of the prophet whose name this book bears have been considered above. It remains to discuss the prophecies themselves, and especially their authenticity. Their peculiar character and obscurity of interpretation also call for a somewhat full treatment.
I. Contents. — The book naturally falls into two principal divisions, which, as will be seen more fully in the sequel, are marked not only by certain peculiarities of expression, but obviously by the absence of any historical data in the latter portion such as are given in the former.
(I.) The first part, embracing ch. 1-8, divides itself into three sections by the chronological indications given respectively in Zec_1:1; Zec_1:7, and Zec_7:1; and these are still further subdivided by the recurrence of the phrase “the word of the Lord came unto me.” This part, therefore, consists, first, of a short introduction or preface, in which the prophet announces his commission; then of a series of visions, descriptive of all those hopes and anticipations of which the building of the Temple was the pledge and sure foundation; and finally of a discourse, delivered two years later, in reply to questions respecting the observance of certain established fasts.
1. The short introductory oracle (Zec_1:1-6) is a warning voice from the past. The prophet solemnly reminds the people, by an appeal to the experience of their fathers, that no word of God had ever fallen to the ground; and that therefore, if with sluggish indifference they refused to co- operate in the building of the Temple, they must expect the judgments of God. This warning manifestly rests upon the former warnings of Haggai.
2. In a dream of the night there passed before the eyes of the prophet a series of nine (essentially seven) visions, followed by an emblematical scene, descriptive in their different aspects of events, some of them shortly to come to pass, and others losing themselves in: the mist of the future (Zec_1:7 to Zec_6:15). These visions are obscure, and accordingly the prophet asks their meaning. The interpretation is given, not as to Amos by Jehovah himself, but by an angel who knows the mind and will of Jehovah, who intercedes with him for others, and by whom Jehovah speaks and issues his commands; at one time he is called “the angel who spake with me” [or “by me”] (Zec_1:9); at another, “the angel of Jehovah” (Zec_1:11-12; Zec_3:1-6).
(1.) In the first vision (Zec_1:8-17) the prophet sees, in a valley of myrtles, a rider upon a roan horse, accompanied by others who, having been sent forth to the four quarters of the earth, had returned with the tidings that the whole earth was at rest (with reference to Hag_2:20). Hereupon the angel asks how long this state of things shall last, and is assured that the indifference of the heathen shall cease, and that the Temple shall be built in Jerusalem. This vision seems to have been partly borrowed from Job_1:7, etc.
(2.) The second vision (Zec_2:1-13, A.V. Zec_1:18 to Zec_2:13) explains how the promise of the first is to be fulfilled, and is composed of three separate emblems. The four horns are the symbols of the different heathen kingdoms in the four quarters of the world, which have hitherto combined against Jerusalem. The four carpenters or smiths symbolize their destruction. The measuring line betokens the vastly extended area of Jerusalem, owing to the rapid increase of the new population. The old prophets, in foretelling the happiness and glory of the times which should succeed the Captivity in Babylon, had made a great part of that happiness and glory, to consist in the gathering together again of the whole: dispersed nation in the land given to their fathers. This vision was designed to teach that the expectations thus raised the return of the dispersed of Israel should be fulfilled; that Jerusalem should be too large to be compassed about by a wall, but that Jehovah himself would be to her a wall of fire, a light and defense to the holy city, and destruction to her adversaries. A song of joy, in prospect of so bright a future, closes the scene.
The next two visions (ch. 3, 4) are occupied with the Temple, and with the two principal persons on whom the hopes of the returned exiles rested.
(3.) The permission granted for the rebuilding of the Temple had, no doubt, stirred afresh the malice and the animosity of the enemies of the Jews. Joshua the high-priest had been singled out, it would seem, as the especial object of attack, and perhaps formal accusations had already been laid against him before the Persian court. The prophet, in vision, sees him summoned before a higher tribunal, and solemnly acquitted; despite the charges of the Satan or Adversary. This is done with the forms still usual in an Eastern court. The filthy garments in which the accused is expected to stand are taken away, and the caftan or robe of honor is put upon him in token that his innocence has been established. Acquitted at that bar, he need not fear, it is implied, any earthly accuser. He shall be protected, he shall carry on the building of the Temple, he shall prepare the way for the coming of the Messiah, and upon the foundation stone laid before him shall the seven eyes of God, the token of his ever-watchful providence, rest.
(4.) The succeeding vision (ch. 4) supposes that all opposition to the building of the Temple shall be removed. This sees the completion of the work. It has evidently a peculiarly impressive character; for tile prophet, though his dream still continues, seems to himself to be awakened on of it by the angel who speaks to him. The candlestick (or, more properly, chandelier) with seven lights (borrowed from the candlestick of the Mosaic tabernacle, Exo_25:31 sq.) supposes that the Temple is already finished. The seven pipes which supply each lamp answer to the seven eyes of Jehovah in the preceding vision (Zec_3:9), and this sevenfold- supply of oil denotes the presence and operation of the Divine Spirit, through whose aid Zerubbabel will overcome all obstacles; so that as his hands had laid the foundation of the house, his hands should also finish it (Zec_4:9). The two olive branches of the vision, belonging to the olive-tree standing by the candlestick, are Zerubbabel himself and Joshua.
The next two visions (Zec_5:1-11) signify that the land, in which the sanctuary has just been erected, shall be purged of all its pollutions.
(5.) First, the curse is recorded against wickedness in the whole land (not in the whole earth, as in the A.V.), Zec_5:3; that due solemnity may be given to it, it is inscribed upon a roll, and the roll is represented as flying, in order to denote the speed with which the curse will execute itself.
(6.) Next, the unclean thing, whether in the form of idolatry or any other abomination, shall be utterly removed. Caught and shut up as it were in a cage, like some savage beast, and pressed down with a weight as of lead upon it so that it cannot escape, it shall be carried into that land where all evil things have long made their dwelling (Isa_34:13); the land of Babylon (Shinar, Zec_5:11), from which Israel had been redeemed.
(7.) The night is now waning fast, and the morning is about to dawn (Zec_6:1-8). Chariots and horses appear, issuing from between two brazen mountains, the horses like those in the first vision; and these receive their several commands and are sent forth to execute the will of Jehovah in the four quarters of the earth. The four chariots are images of the four winds, which, according, to Psa_104:4, as servants of God, fulfill his behests, and of the one that goes to the north it is particularly said that it shall let the Spirit of Jehovah rest there is it a spirit of anger against the nations, Assyria, Babylon, Persia, or is it a spirit of hope and desire of return, in the hearts of those of the exiles who still lingered in the land of their captivity? Stahelin, Maurer, and others adopt the former view, which seems to be in accordance with the preceding vision; Ewald gives the latter interpretation, and thinks it is supported by what follows.
Thus the cycle of visions is completed. Scene after scene is unrolled till the whole glowing picture is presented to the eye. All enemies crushed; the land re-peopled, and Jerusalem girt as with a wall of fire; the Temple rebuilt, more truly splendid than of old, because more abundantly filled with a Divine Presence; the leaders of the people assured in the most signal manner of the Divine protection; all wickedness solemnly sentenced, and the Iliad forever purged of it such is the magnificent panorama of hope which the prophet displays to his countrymen. Very consolatory must such a prospect have seemed to the weak and disheartened colony in Jerusalem. For the times were dark and troublous. According to recent interpretations of newly discovered inscriptions, it would appear that Darius I found it no easy task to hold his vast dominions. Province after province had revolted both in the east and in the north, whither, according to the prophet (Zec_6:8), the winds had carried the wrath of God and if the reading Mudraja, i.e. Egypt, is correct (Lassen gives Kurdistan), Egypt must have revolted before the outbreak mentioned in Herod. 7:1, and have again been reduced to subjection. To such revolt there may possibly be an allusion in the reference to “the land of the south” (Zec_6:6). It would seem that Zechariah anticipated, as a consequence of these perpetual insurrections, the weakening and overthrow of the Persian monarchy and the setting-up of the kingdom of God, for which Judah, in faith and obedience, was to wait (Zec_6:9-15).
(8.) Immediately on these visions there follows a symbolical act (Zec_6:9-15). Three Israelites had just returned from Babylon, bringing with them rich gifts to Jerusalem, apparently as contributions to the Temple, and had been received in the house of Josiah the son- of Zephaniah. Thither the prophet is commanded to go whether still in a dream or not is not very clear and to employ the silver and the gold of their offerings for the service of Jehovah. He is to make of them two crowns, and to place these on the head of Joshua the high-priest a sign that in the Messiah who should build the Temple the kingly and priestly offices should be united. This, however, is expressed somewhat enigmatically, as if king and priest should be perfectly at one, rather than that the same person should be both king and priest. These crowns, moreover, were to be a memorial in honor of those by whose liberality they had been made, and should serve at the same time to excite other rich Jews still living in Babylon to the like liberality. Hence their symbolical purpose having been accomplished, they were to be laid up in the Temple.
3. It is remarkable, as has already been noticed, that the question relating to the fast days (Zec_7:1-3) should have been addressed to priests and prophets conjointly in the Temple. This close alliance between two classes hitherto so separate, and often so antagonistic, was one of the most hopeful circumstances of the times. Still Zechariah, as chief of the prophets, has the decision of this question. Some of the priests, it is evident (Zec_7:7), were inclined to the more gloomy view; but not so the prophet. In language worthy of his position and his office, language which reminds us of the most striking passages of his great predecessor (Isa_58:5-7), he lays down the same principle that God loves mercy rather than fasting, and truth and righteousness rather than sackcloth and a sad countenance. If they had perished, he reminds them it was because their hearts were hard while they fasted; if they would dwell safely, they must abstain from fraud and violence, and not from food (Zec_7:4-14).
Again, he foretells, but not now in vision, the glorious times that are near at hand when Jehovah shall dwell in the midst of them, and Jerusalem be called a city of truth. He sees her streets thronged by old and young, her exiles returning, her Temple standing in all its beauty, her land rich in fruitfulness, her people a praise and a blessing in the earth (Zec_8:1-15). Again, he declares that “truth and peace” (Zec_8:16; Zec_8:19) are the bulwarks of national prosperity. And, once more reverting to the question which had been raised concerning the observance of the fasts, he announces, in obedience to the command of Jehovah, not only that the fasts are abolished, but that the days of mourning shall henceforth be days of joy, the fasts be counted for festivals. His prophecy concludes with a prediction that Jerusalem shall be the center, of religious worship to all nations of the earth (Zec_8:16-23).
(II.) The remainder of the book consists of two sections of about equal length, ch. 9-11 and 12-14, each of which has an inscription. They have the general prophetic tone and character, and in subject they so far harmonize with 1-8 that the prophet seeks to comfort Judah in a season of depression with the hope of a brighter future.
1. In the first section he threatens Damascus and the sea-coast of Palestine with misfortune; but declares that Jerusalem shall be protected, for Jehovah himself shall encamp about her (where 9:8 reminds us of 2. 5). Her king shall come to her; he shall speak peace to the heathen, so that all weapons of war shall perish; and his dominion shall be to the ends of the earth. The Jews who are still in captivity shall return to their land; they shall be mightier than Javan (or Greece); and Ephraim and Judah once more united shall vanquish all enemies. The land too shall be fruitful as of old (comp. Zec_8:12). The Teraphim and the false prophets may indeed have spoken lies; but upon these will the Lord execute judgment, and then he will look with favor upon his people and bring back both Judah and Ephraim from their captivity. The possession of Gilead and Lebanon is again promised as the special portion of Ephraim; and both Egypt and Assyria shall be broken and humbled.
The prophecy now takes a sudden turn. An enemy is seen approaching from the north, who, having forced the narrow passes of Lebanon, the great bulwark of the northern frontier, carries desolation into the country beyond. Hereupon the prophet receives a commission from God to feed his flock, which God himself will no more feed because of their divisions. The prophet undertakes the office, and makes to himself two staves (naming the one Favor and the other Union), in order to tend the flock, and cuts off several evil shepherds whom his soul abhors; but observes, at the same time, that the flock will not be obedient. Hence he throws up his office; he breaks asunder the one crook in token that the covenant of God with Israel was dissolved. A few, the poor of the flock, acknowledged God's hand herein; and the prophet, demanding the wages of his service, receives thirty pieces of silver, and casts it into the house of Jehovah. At the same time, he sees that there is no hope of union between Judah and Israel, whom he had trusted to feed as one flock, and therefore cuts in pieces the other crook, in token that the brotherhood between them is dissolved.
2. The second section (ch. 12-14) is entitled “The burden of the word of Jehovah for Israel.” But Israel is here used of the nation at large, not of Israel as distinct from Judah. Indeed, the prophecy, which follows, concerns Judah and Jerusalem. In this the prophet beholds the near approach of troublous times, when Jerusalem should be hard pressed by enemies. But in that day Jehovah shall come to save them “the house of David shall be as God, as the angel of Jehovah” (Zec_12:8), and all the nations which gather themselves against Jerusalem shall be destroyed. At the same time, the deliverance shall not be from outward enemies alone. God will pour out upon them a spirit of grace and supplications, so that they shall bewail their sinfulness with a mourning greater than that with which they bewailed the beloved Josiah in the valley of Megiddo. So deep and so true shall be this repentance, so lively the aversion to all evil, that neither idol nor false prophet shall again be seen in the land If a man shall pretend to prophesy, “his father and his mother that begat him shall thrust him through when he prophesied, fired by the same righteous indignation as Phinehas was when he slew those who wrought folly in Israel (Zec_12:1-13; Zec_12:6).” Then follows a short apostrophe to the sword of the enemy to turn against the shepherds of the people; and a further announcement of searching and purifying judgments; which, however, it must be acknowledged, is somewhat abrupt. Ewald's suggestion that the passage Zec_13:7-9 is here out of place, and should be transposed to the end of chap. 11 is certainly ingenious, and does not seem improbable.
The prophecy closes with a grand and stirring picture. All nations are gathered together against Jerusalem, and seem already sure of their prey. Half of their cruel work has been accomplished, when Jehovah himself appears on behalf of his people. At his coming all nature is moved; the Mount of Olives on which his feet rest cleaves asunder; a mighty earthquake heaves the ground, and even the natural succession of day and night is broken. He goes forth to war against the adversaries of his people. He establishes his kingdom over all the earth. Jerusalem is safely inhabited, and becomes rich with the spoils of the nations. All nations that are still left shall come up to Jerusalem, as the great center of religious worship, there to worship “the King, Jehovah of hosts,” and the city from that day forward shall be a holy city.
II. Integrity. — Mede was the first to call this in question. The probability that the later chapters (from the 9th to the 14th) were by some other prophet seems first to have been suggested to him by the citation in Matthew. He says (Epist. 31):
“It may seem the evangelist would inform us that those latter chapters ascribed to Zachary (namely, 9th, 10th, 11th, etc.) are indeed the prophecies of Jeremy, and that the Jews had not rightly attributed them.... Certainly, if a man weighs the contents of some of them, they should in likelihood be of an elder date than the time of Zachary namely, before the Captivity for the subjects of some of them were scarce in being after that time. And the chapter out of which St. Matthew quotes may seem to have somewhat much unsuitable with Zachary's time; as, a prophecy of the destruction of the Temple, then when he was to encourage them to build it. And how doth the sixth verse of that chapter suit with his time? There is no scripture saith they are Zachary's; but there is scripture saith they are Jeremy's, as this of the evangelist.”
He then observes that the mere fact of these being found in the same book as the prophecies of Zechariah does not prove that they were his; difference of authorship being allowable in the same way as in the collection of Agur's Proverbs under one title with those of Solomon, and of Psalms by other authors with those of David. Even the absence of a fresh title is, he argues, no evidence against a change of author. “The Jews: wrote in rolls or volumes, and the title was but once. If aught were added to the roll, ob similitudinem argumenti, or for some other reason, it had a new title, as that of Agur; or perhaps none, but was ἀνώνυμον.” The utter disregard of anything like chronological order in the prophecies of Jeremiah, where “sometimes all is ended with Zedekiah; then we are brought back to Jehoiakim, then to Zedekiah again” makes it probable, he thinks, that they were only hastily and loosely put together in those distracted times. Consequently, some of them might not have been discovered till after the return from the Captivity, when they were approved by Zechariah, and so came to be incorporated with his prophecies. Mede evidently rests his opinion, partly on the authority of Matthew, and partly on the contents of the later chapters, which he considers require a date earlier than the Exile. He says again (Epist. 11):
That which moveth me more than the rest is in ch. 12 which contains a prophecy of the destruction of Jerusalem, and a description of the wickedness of the inhabitants, for which God would give them to the sword and have no more pity on them. It is expounded of the destruction by Titus; but methinks such a prophecy was nothing seasonable for Zachary's time (when the city yet, for a great part, lay in her ruins, and the Temple had not yet recovered hers), nor agreeable to the scope of Zachary's commission, who, together with his colleague Haggai, was sent to encourage the people lately returned from captivity to build their temple, and to instaurate their commonwealth. Was this a fit time to foretell the destruction of both, while they were but yet a building? and by Zachary, too, who was to encourage them Would not this better befit the desolation by Nebuchadnezzar?” Archbishop Newcome went further. He insisted on the great dissimilarity of style as well as subject between the earlier and later chapters. And he was the first who advocated the theory which Bunsen calls one of the triumphs of modern criticism, that the last six chapters of Zechariah are the work of two distinct prophets. His words are:
“The eight first chapters appear by the introductory parts to be the prophecies of Zechariah, stand in connection with each other, are pertinent to the time when they were delivered, are uniform in style and manner, and constitute a regular whole. But the six last chapters are not expressly assailed to Zechariah; are unconnected with those which precede; the three first of them are unsuitable in many parts to the time when Zechariah lived; all of them have a more adorned and poetical turn of composition than the eight first chapters; and they manifestly break the unity of the prophetical book ... I conclude from internal marks in Zec_9:10-11 that these three chapters were written much earlier than the time of Jeremiah and before the captivity of the tribes. Israel is mentioned in Zec_9:1; Zec_11:14 (but that this argument is inconclusive, see Mal_2:11); Ephraim 9:10, 13; 10:7; and Assyria Zec_10:10-11... They seem to suit Hosea's age and manner.... The 12th, 13th, and 14th chapters form a distinct prophecy, and were written after the death of Josiah; but whether before or after the Captivity, and by what prophets, is uncertain, though I incline to think that the author lived before the destruction of Jerusalem by the Babylonians.”
In proof of this he refers to Zec_13:2, on which he observes that the “prediction that idols and false prophets should cease at the final restoration of the Jews seems to have been uttered when idolatry and groundless pretensions to the spirit of prophecy were common among the Jews, and therefore before the Babylonish Captivity.” A large number of critics have followed Mede and archbishop Newcome in denying the later date of the last six chapters of the book. In England, bishop Kidder, Whiston, Hammond, and more recently Pye Smith and Davidson; in Germany Flügge, Eichhorn, Bauer, Bertholdt, Augusti, Forberg, Rosenmüller, Gramberg, Credner, Ewald, Maurer, Knobel, Hitzig, and Bleek, are agreed in maintaining that these later chapters are not the work of Zechariah the son of Iddo.
On the other hand, the later date of these chapters has been maintained among British writers, by Blayney and Henderson, and on the Continent by Carpzov, Beckhaus, Jahn, Koster, Hengstenberg, Havernick, Keil, De Wette (in later editions of his Einleitung; in the first three he adopted a different view), and Stahelin.
Those who impugn the later date of these chapters of Zechariah rest their arguments on the change in style and subject after the 8th chapter, but differ much in the application of their criticism. Rosenmüller, for instance (Schol. in Proph. Miln. 4:257), argues that ch. 9-14 are so alike in style that they must have been written by one author. He alleges in proof his fondness for images taken from pastoral life (Zec_9:16; Zec_10:2-3; Zec_11:3-5; Zec_11:7-9; Zec_11:11; Zec_11:15; Zec_11:17; Zec_13:7-8). From the allusion to the earthquake (Zec_14:5; comp. Amo_1:1), he thinks the author must have lived in the reign of Uzziah, Davidson (in Horne's Introd. 2, 982) in like manner declares for one author, but supposes him to have been the Zechariah mentioned in Isa_8:2, who lived in the reign of Ahaz. Eichhorn, on the other hand, while also assigning (in his Einleitung, 4:444) the whole of ch. 9-14 to one writer, is of opinion that they are the work of a later prophet who flourished in the time of Alexander. Others again, as Bertholdt, Gesenius, Knobel, Maurer, Bunsen, and Ewald, think that ch. 9-11 (to: which Ewald adds Zec_13:7-9) are a distinct prophecy from ch. 12,15, and separated from them by a considerable interval of time. These critics conclude from internal evidence that the former portion was written by a prophet who lived in the reign of Ahaz (Knobel gives 9 and 10 to the reign of Jotham, and 11 to that of Ahaz), and most of them conjecture that he was the Zechariah the son of Jeberechiah (or Berechiah) mentioned in Isa_8:2. Ewald, without attempting to identify the prophet with any particular person, contents himself with remarking that he was a subject of the Southern kingdom (as may be inferred from expressions such as that in 9:7, and from the Messianic hopes which he utters, and in which he resembles his countryman and contemporary Isaiah); and that, like Amos and Hosea before him, though a native of Judah, he directs his prophecies against Ephraim. There is the same general agreement among the last-named critics as to the date of the section 12-14. They all assign it to a period immediately previous to the Babylonian Captivity, and hence the author must have been contemporary with the prophet Jeremiah. Bunsen identifies him with Urijah, the son of Shemaiah, of Kirjath-jearim (Jer_26:20-23), who prophesied “in the name of Jehovah” against Judah and Jerusalem.
According to this hypothesis, we have the works of three different prophets collected into one book, and passing under one name: (a) Ch. 9- 11, the book of Zechariah I, a contemporary of Isaiah, under Ahaz, about 736; (b) ch. 12-14, author unknown (or perhaps Urijah, a contemporary of Jeremiah), about 607 or 606; (c) ch. 1-8, the work of the son (or grandson) of Iddo, Haggai's contemporary, about 520-518. We have then, two distinct theories before us. The one merely affirms that the last six chapters of our present book are not from the same author as the first eight. The other carries the dismemberment of the book still further, and maintains that the last six chapters are the work of two distinct authors who lived at two distinct periods of Jewish history. The arguments advanced by the supporters of each theory rest on the same grounds. They are drawn partly from the difference in style, and partly from the difference in the nature of the contents, the historical references, etc., in the different sections of the book; but the one sees this difference only in ch. 9-14 as compared with ch. 1-8; the other sees it also in ch. 12-14 as compared with ch. 9-11. We must accordingly consider (1) the difference generally in the style and contents of ch. 9-14 as compared with ch. 1-8; (2) the differences betweens ch. 12- 14 as compared with ch. 9-11.
(A.) Arguments against the Integrity of the Book. The difference in point of style between the latter and former portions of the prophecy is admitted by all critics. Rosenmüller characterizes that of the first eight chapters as “prosaic, feeble, poor,” and that of the remaining six as “poetic, weighty, concise, glowing.” But without admitting so sweeping a criticism, and one, which the verdict of abler critics on the former portion has contradicted, there can be no doubt that the general tone and character of the one section are in decided contrast with those of the other. “As he passes from the first half of the prophet to the second,” says Eichhorn, “no reader can fail to perceive how strikingly different are the impressions which are made upon him by the two. The manner of writing in the second portion is far loftier and more mysterious; the images employed are grander and more magnificent; the point of view and the horizon are changed. Once the Temple and the ordinances of religion formed the central point from which the prophet's words radiated, and to which they ever returned; now these have vanished. The favorite modes of expression, hitherto so often repeated, are now, as it were, forgotten. The chronological notices which before marked the day on which each several prophecy was uttered now fail us altogether: Could a writer all at once have forgotten so entirely his habits of thought? Could he so completely disguise his innermost feelings? Could the world about him, the mode of expression, the images employed, be so totally different in the case of one and the same writer?” (Einleit. 4:443, § 605).
(I) Ch. 1-8 are marked by certain peculiarities of idiom and phraseology which do not occur afterwards. Favorite expressions are: “The word of Jehovah came unto,” etc. (Zec_1:7; Zec_4:8; Zechariah 6, 9; Zec_9:7; Zec_14:8; Zec_8:1-18); “Thus saith Jehovah (God) of hosts” (14,16,17; 2:11; 8:2, 4:6, 7, 9,14; 18, 20, 23); “And I lifted up mine eyes and saw” (Zec_1:18; Zechariah 2, 1; Zechariah 5, 1; Zec_6:1): none of these modes of expression are to be met within ch. 9-14. On the other hand, the phrase “In that day” is entirely confined to the later chapters, in which it occurs frequently. The form of the inscriptions is different. Introductions to the separate oracles such as those in Zec_9:1; Zec_12:1, do not present themselves in the earlier portion. Zechariah, in several instances, states the time at which a particular prophecy was uttered by him (Zec_1:1; Zec_1:7; Zec_7:1). He mentions his own name in these passages, and also in Zec_7:8, and the names of contemporaries in 3, 1; 4:6; 6:10; 7:2: the writer (or writers) of the second portion of the book never does this. , It has also been observed that after the first eight chapters we hear nothing of “Satan,” or of “the seven eyes of Jehovah;” that there are no more visions; that ch. 11 contains no allegory, not a symbolic action; that here are no riddles which need to be solved, no angelus interpres to solve them.
(II.) Ch. 9-11. These chapters, it is alleged, have also their characteristic peculiarities:
1. In point of style, the author resembles Hosea- more than any other prophet; such is the verdict both of Knobel and Ewald. He delights to picture Jehovah as the great captain of his people. Jehovah comes to Zion, and pitches his camp there to protect her (Zec_9:8-9). He blows the trumpet, marches against his enemies, makes his people his bow, and shoots his arrows (Zec_9:13-14); or he rides on Judah as his war-horse, and goes forth thereon to victory (Zec_10:3; Zec_10:5). Again, he speaks of the people as a flock, and the leaders of the people as their shepherds (Zec_9:16; Zec_10:2-3; Zec_11:4 sq.). He describes himself also, in his character of prophet, as a shepherd in the last passages, and assumes to himself, in a symbolic action (which, however, may have been one only of the imagination), all the guise and the gear of a shepherd. In general he delights in images (Zec_9:3-4; Zec_9:13-17; Zec_10:3; Zec_10:5; Zec_10:7, etc.), some of which are striking and forcible.
2. The notes of time are also peculiar:
(1.) It was a time when the pride of Assyria was yet at its height (Zec_10:11), and when the Jews had already suffered from it. This first took place 1:l the time of Menahem (B.C. 772-761).
(2.) The Trans-jordanic territory had already been swept by the armies of the invader (Zec_10:10), but a still further desolation threatened it (Zec_11:1-3). The first may have been the invasion of Pul (1Ch_5:26), the second that of Tiglath-pileser.
(3.) The kingdoms of Judah and Ephraim are both standing (9, 10,13; 10:6), but many Israelites are nevertheless exiles in Egypt and Assyria (Zec_9:11; Zec_10:6; Zec_10:8; Zec_10:10, etc.).
(4.) The struggle between Judah and Israel is supposed to be already begun (Zec_11:14). At the same time, Damascus is threatened (Zec_9:1). If so, the reference must be to the alliance formed between Pekah king of Israel and Rezin of Damascus, the consequence of which was the loss of Elath (739).
(5.) Egypt and Assyria are both formidable powers (Zec_10:9-11). The only other prophets to whom these two nations appear as formidable, at the same time, are Hosea (Hos_7:11; Hos_12:1; Hos_14:3) and his contemporary Isaiah (Isa_7:17,etc.); and that in prophecies which must have been uttered between 743 and 740. The expectation seems to have been that the Assyrians, in order to attack Egypt, would march by way of Syria, Phoenicia, and Philistia, along the coast (Zec_9:1-9), as they did afterwards (Isa_20:1), and that the kingdom of Israel would suffer chiefly in consequence (Zec_9:9-12), and Judah in a smaller degree (Zec_9:8-9).
(6.) The kingdom of Israel is described as “a flock for the slaughter”. in ch. 11:over which three shepherds have been set in one month. This corresponds with the season of anarchy and confusion “which followed immediately on the murder of Zechariah the son of Jeroboam II (760). This son reigned only six months, his murderer Shallum but one (2Ki_15:8-15), being put to death in his turn by Menahem. Meanwhile another rival king may have arisen, Bunsen thinks, in some other part of the country, who may have fallen as the murderer did, before Menahem.
(7.) The symbolical action of the breaking of the two shepherd's staves Favor and Union points the same way. The breaking of the first showed that God's favor had departed from Israel, that of the second that all hope of union between Judah and Ephraim was at an end.
All these notes of time, it is claimed, point in the same direction, and make it probable that the author of ch. 9-11 was a contemporary of Isaiah, and prophesied during the reign of Ahaz. According to Knobel, ch. 9 and 10 were probably delivered in Jotham's reign, and ch. 11 in that of Ahaz, who summoned Tiglath-pileser to his aid. Maurer thinks that ch.9 and 10 were written between the first (2Ki_15:29) and second (2Ki_17:4-6) Assyrian invasions, ch. 10 during the seven years' interregnum which followed the death of Pekah, and 11 in the reign of Hoshea.
(III.) Ch. 12-14. By the majority of those critics who assign these chapters to a third author, that author is supposed to have lived shortly before the Babylonian captivity. The grounds for separating these three chapters from ch. 9 to 11 are as follows:
1. This section opens with its own introductory formula, as the preceding one (Zec_9:1) does. This, however, only shows that the sections are distinct, not that they were written at different times.
2. The object of the two sections is altogether different. The author of the former (ch. 9-11) has both Israel and Judah before him; he often speaks of them together (Zec_9:3; Zec_10:6; Zec_11:14; comp. 10:7); he directs his prophecy to the Trans-jordanic territory, and announces the discharge of his office in Israel (Zec_11:4 sq.). The author of the second section, on the other hand, has only to do with Judah and Jerusalem; he nowhere mentions Israel.
3. The political horizon of the two prophets is different. By the former, mention is made of the Syrians, Phoenicians, Philistines (Zec_9:1-7), and Greeks (Zec_9:13), as well as of the Assyrians and Egyptians, the last two being described as at that time the most powerful. It therefore belongs to the earlier time when these two nations were beginning to struggle for supremacy in Western Asia. By the latter, the Egyptians only are mentioned as a hostile nation — not a word is said of the Assyrians. The author consequently must have lived at a time when Egypt was the chief enemy of Judah.
4. The anticipations: of the two prophets are different. The first trembles only for Ephraim. He predicts the desolation of the Trans-jordanic territory, the carrying away captive of the Israelites, but also the return from Assyria and Egypt (Zec_9:7; Zec_9:10). But for Judah he has no cause of fear. Jehovah will protect her (Zec_9:8), and bring back those of her sons who in earlier times had gone into captivity (Zec_9:11). The second prophet, on the other hand making no mention whatever of the northern kingdom, is full of alarm for Judah. He sees hostile nations gathering together against her, and two thirds of her inhabitants destroyed (Zec_13:6); he sees the enemy laying siege to Jerusalem, taking and plundering it, and carrying half of her people captive (Zec_12:3; Zec_14:2; Zec_14:5). Of any return of the captives nothing is here said.
5. The style of the two prophets is different. The author of this last section is fond of the prophetic formula: וַהָיָה, “And it shall come to pass” (Zec_12:9; Zec_13:2-4; Zec_13:8; Zec_14:6; Zec_14:8; Zec_14:13; Zec_14:16); בִּיּוֹם הִהוּא, “in that day” (Zec_12:3-4; Zec_12:6; Zec_12:8-9; Zec_12:11; Zec_13:1-2; Zec_13:4; Zec_14:8-13; Zec_14:20-21); נְאם יְההוָֹה; saith Jehovah” (Zec_12:1; Zec_12:4; Zec_13:2; Zec_13:7-8). In the section 9-11 the first does not occur at all, the second but once (Zec_9:16), the third only twice (Zec_10:12; Zec_11:6). We have, moreover, in this section certain favorite expressions: “all peoples,” “all people of the earth,” “all nations round about,” “all nations that come up against Jerusalem,” “the inhabitants of Jerusalem,” “the house of David,” “family” for nation, “the families of the earth,” “the family of Egypt,” etc.
6. There are apparently few notes of time in this section. One is the allusion to the death of Josiah in “the mourning of Hadad-rimmon in the valley of Megiddo; another to the earthquake in the days of Uzziah king of Judah.. This addition to the name of the king shows, Knobel suggests, that he had been long dead; but the argument. if it is worth anything, would make even more for those who hold a post-exile date. It is certainly remarkable, occurring thus in the body of the prophecy, and not in the inscription as in Isa_1:1.
(B.) Arguments in Favor of the Integrity of the Book.
(I.) As between ch. 1-8 and 9-14. —
1. In reply to all the foregoing arguments, it has been urged by Keil, Stihelin, and others that the difference of style between the two principal divisions of the prophecy is not greater than may reasonably be accounted for by the change of subject. The language in which visions are narrated would, from the nature of the case, be quieter and less animated than that in which prophetic anticipations of future glory are described. They differ as the style, of the narrator differs from that of the orator. Thus, for instance, how different is the style of Hosea, ch. 1-3, from the style of the same prophet in ch. 4-14 or, again, that of Eze_6:7 from Ezekiel 4!
But, besides this, even in what may be termed the more oratorical portions of the first eight chapters, the prophet is to a great extent occupied with warnings and exhortations of a practical kind (see Zec_1:4-6; Zec_8:9-23); whereas in the subsequent chapters he is rapt into a far- distant and glorious future. In the one case, therefore, the language would naturally sink down to the level of prose; in the other it would rise to an elevation worthy of its exalted subject.
In like manner, the notes of time in the former part (Zec_1:1; Zec_1:7; Zec_7:1) and the constant reference to the Temple may be explained on the ground that the prophet here busies himself with the events of his own time, whereas afterwards his eye is fixed on a far-distant future.
On the other hand, where predictions do occur in the first section, there is a general similarity between them and the predictions of the second. The scene, so to speak, is the same; the same visions float before the eyes of the seer. The times of the Messiah are the theme of the predictions in ch. 1-4, in Zec_9:10 and in Zec_12:1 to Zec_13:6; while the events which are to prepare the way for that time, and especially the sifting of the nation are dwelt upon in ch. 5, in Zec_9:11, and in Zec_13:7-9; Zec_13:2. The same peculiar forms of expression occur in the two divisions of the prophecy. Thus, for instance, we find מֵעוֹבֵר וּמַשָּׁבnot only in Zec_7:14, but also in Zec_9:8; הֶעֵַביר, in the sense of “to remove,” in Zec_3:4, and in Zec_13:2 - elsewhere it occurs in this unusual sense only in later writings (2Ki_16:3; 2Ch_15:8)— “the eye of God,” as betokening the divine providence, in Zec_3:9; Zec_4:10; and in Zec_9:1; Zec_9:8.
In both sections the return of the whole nation after the Exile is the prevailing image of happiness, and in both it is similarly portrayed. As in Zec_2:10, the exiles are summoned to return to their native land, because now, according to the principles of righteous recompense, they shall rule over their enemies, so also a similar strain occurs in Zec_9:12, etc. Both in Zec_2:10 and in Zec_9:9 the renewed protection wherewith God will favor Zion is represented as an entrance into his holy dwelling; in both his people are called on to rejoice, and in-both there is a remarkable agreement in the words. In Zec_9:14, רני ושמח בת ציון כי הנני בא, and in Zec_9:9, מלכ ִיבוא ל ִגילי מאד בת ציון הריעי בת ירושלם הנה
Again, similar forms of expression occur in Zec_2:9; Zec_2:11, and the description of the increase in Jerusalem, Zec_14:10, may be compared with Zec_2:4; and the prediction in Zec_8:20-23 with that in Zec_14:16. The resemblance which has been found in some other passages is too slight to strengthen the argument; and the occurrence of Chaldaisms, such as צָבָא (Zec_9:8), רָאֲמָה (Zec_14:10), בהל (which occurs besides only in Pro_20:11), and the phrase מַלֵּא קֶשֶׁת (Zec_9:13), instead of דָּרִךְ קֵשֵּׁת, really prove nothing as to the age of the later chapters of Zechariah. Indeed, generally, as regards these minute comparisons of different passages to prove an identity of authorship, Maurer's remark holds true: “Sed quee potest vis esse, disjectorum quorundam locorum, ubi res judicanda est ex toto?”
2. Of far more weight, however, than the arguments already advanced is the fact that the writer of these last chapters (9-14) shows an acquaintance with the later prophets of the time of the Exile. That there are numerous allusions in it to earlier prophets, such as Joel, Amos, Micah, has been shown by Hitzig (Comment. p. 354, 2d ed.); but there are also, it is alleged, allusions to Zephaniah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the latter part of Isaiah (ch. 40-lxvi). If this can be established, it is evidence that this portion of the book, if not written by Zechariah himself, was at least written after the Exile. We find, then, in Zec_9:2 an allusion to Eze_28:3 : in Eze_28:3 to 1Ki_10:27; in 1Ki_10:5 to Zep_2:4; in Zep_2:11 to Isa_51:14; in Isa_51:12 to Isa_49:9 and Isa_61:7; in Zec_10:3 to Eze_34:17. Zechariah 11 is derived from Ezekiel 34 (comp. esp. Eze_34:4 with Eze_34:4), and Zec_11:3 from Jer_12:5. Zec_12:1 alludes to Isa_51:13; Isa_13:8-9, to Eze_5:12; Eze_14:8 to Eze_47:1-12; Eze_47:10-11, to Jer_31:38-40; Jer_31:16-19 to Isa_66:23; Isa_60:12; Isa_60:20-21, to Eze_43:12; Eze_44:9.
This manifest acquaintance on the part of the writer of Zechariah 9-14 with so many of the later prophets seemed so convincing to De Wette that, after having in the first three editions of his Introduction declared for two authors, he found himself compelled to change his mind, and to admit that the later chapters must belong to the age of Zechariah, and might have been written by Zechariah himself.
Bleek, on the other hand, has done his best to weaken the force of this argument, first by maintaining that in most instances the alleged agreement is only apparent, and, next, that where there is a real agreement (as in Zec_9:12; Zec_11:3; Zec_12:1; Zec_14:16) with the passages above cited, Zechariah may be the original from whom Isaiah and Jeremiah borrowed. It must be confessed, however, that it is more probable that one writer should have allusions to many others than that many others should borrow from one; and this probability approaches certainty in proportion as we multiply the number of quotations or allusions. If there are passages in Zechariah which are manifestly similar to other passages in Zephaniah, in Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the Deutero-Isaiah, which is the more probable, that they all borrowed from him, or he from them? In Zec_9:12 especially, as Stihelin argues, the expression is decidedly one to be looked for after the Exile rather than before it; and the passage rests upon Jer_16:18, and has an almost verbal accordance with Isa_61:7.
3. Again, the same critics argue that the historical references in the later chapters are perfectly consistent with a post-exile date. This had already been maintained by Eichhorn, although he supposes these chapters to have been written by a later prophet than Zechariah. Stiahelin puts the case as follows: Even under the Persian rule the political relations of the Jews continued very nearly the same as they were in earlier times. They still were placed between a huge Eastern power on the one side, and Egypt on the other, the only difference now being that Egypt as well as Judaea was subject to the Persians. But Egypt was an unwilling vassal; and as in earlier times, when threatened by Assyria, she had sought for alliances among her neighbors or had endeavored to turn them to account as a kind of outwork in her own defense, so now she would adopt the same policy in her attempts to cast off the Persian yoke. It would follow, as a matter of course, that Persia would be on the watch to check such efforts, and would wreak her vengeance on those among her own tributary or dependent provinces which should venture to form an alliance with Egypt.
Such of these provinces as lay on the sea-coast must indeed suffer in any case, even if they remained true in their allegiance to the Persians. The armies which were destined for the invasion of Egypt would collect in, Syria and Phoenicia, and would march by way of the coast; and, whether they came as friends or as foes, they would probably cause sufficient devastation to justify the prophecy in Zec_9:1, etc., delivered against Damascus, Phoenicia, and Philistia. Meanwhile the prophet seeks to calm the minds of his own people by assuring them of God's protection, and of the coming of the Messiah, who, at the appointed time, shall again unite the two kingdoms of Judah and Ephraim. It is observable, moreover, that the prophet, throughout his discourses, is anxious net only to tranquillize the minds of his countrymen, but, to prevent their engaging in any insurrection against their Persian masters, or forming any alliance with their enemies. In this respect he follows the example of Jeremiah and Ezekiel, and, like these two prophets, he foretells the return of Ephraim, the union of Ephraim and Judah, and the final overthrow both of Assyria (Eze_10:11) — that is, Persia — and of Egypt, the two countries which had, more than all others, vexed and devastated Israel.
That a large portion of the nation was still supposed to be in exile is clear from Eze_9:11, and hence Eze_10:10 can only be regarded as a reminiscence of Mic_5:10; and even if Eze_10:9 must be explained of the past (with De Wette, Einleit. § 250, 6, note a), still it appears from Josephus (Ant. 12:2, 5) that the Persians carried away Jews into Egypt, and from Syncellus (p. 486, Liebuhr's ed.) that Ochus transplanted large numbers, of Jews from Palestine to the east and, north; the earlier custom of thus forcibly removing; to a distance those conquered nations who, from disaffection or a turbulent spirit, were: likely to give occasion for alarm, having not only continued among the Persians, but having become even more common than ever (Heeren, Ideen, 1, 254, 2d ed.). This well-known policy on the part of their conquerors would be a sufficient ground for the assurance which the prophet gives in 10:9. Even the threats uttered against the false prophets and the shepherds of the people are not inconsistent with the times after the Exile. In Neh_5:6 :we find the nobles and rulers of the people oppressing their brethren, and false prophets active in their opposition to Nehemiah. In like manner “the idols” (עֲצִבַּים) in Neh_13:1-5 may be the same as the “Teraphim” of Neh_10:2, where they are mentioned in connection with “the diviners” (הִקּוֹסְמַים). Malachi (Mal_3:5) speaks of “sorcerers” (מְכִשְּׁפַים), and that such superstition long held its ground among the Jews is evident from Josephus (Ant. 8:2, 5). Nor does Zec_14:21 of necessity imply either idol worship or heathen pollution in the Temple. Ch. 11 was spoken by the prophet later than ch. 9 and 10. In Zec_11:14 he declares the impossibility of any reunion between Judah and Ephraim, either because the northern territory had already been laid waste, or because the inhabitants of it had shown a disposition to league with Phoenicia in a vain effort to throw off the Persian yoke, which would only involve them in certain destruction. This difficult passage Stahelin admits he cannot solve to his satisfaction, but contends that it may have been designed to teach the new colony that it was not a part of God's purpose to reunite the severed tribes; and in this he sees an argument for the post-exilian date of the prophecy, inasmuch as the union of the ten- tribes with the two was ever one of the brightest hopes of the prophets who lived before the Captivity. Having thus shown that there is no reason why the section 9-11 should not belong to a time subsequent to the return from Babylon, Stahelin proceeds to argue that the prophecy directed against the nations (Malachi 9:1-7) is really more applicable to the Persian era than to any other. It is only the coast-line which is here threatened; whereas the earlier prophets, whenever they threaten the maritime tribes, unite with them Moab and Ammon. or Edom. Moreover, the nations here mentioned are not spoken of as enemies of Judah; for being Persian subjects they would not venture to attack the Jewish colony when under the special protection of that power. Of Ashdod it is said that a foreigner ( מִמְזֵיA.V. “bastard”) shall dwell in it. This, too, might naturally have happened in the time of Zechariah. During the Exile, Arabs had established themselves in Southern Palestine, and the prophet foresees that they would occupy Ashdod; and, accordingly, we learn from Neh_13:24 that the dialect of Ashdod was unintelligible to the Jews, and in 4:7 the people of Ashdod appear as a distinct tribe united with other Arabians against Judah. The king of Gaza (mentioned in Zec_9:5) may have been a Persian vassal, as the kings of Tyre and Sidon were, according to Herod. 8:67. A king in Gaza would only be in conformity with the Persian custom (see Herod. 3, 15), although this was no longer the case in the time of Alexander. The mention of the “sons of Javan” (9:13; A. V. “Greece”) is suitable to the Persian period (which is also the view of Eichhoin), as it was then that the Jews were first brought into any close contact with the Greeks. It was, in fact, the fierce struggle between Greece and Persia which gave a peculiar meaning to his words when the prophet promised his own people victory over the Greeks, and so reversed the earlier prediction of Joel 4:6, 7 (A.V. Joe_3:6-7). If, however, we are to understood by Javan Arabia, as some maintain, this again equally suits the period supposed and the prophecy will refer to the Arabians, of whom we have already spoken.
(II.) We come, now to the section 12-14. The main proposition-here is, that however hard Judah and Jerusalem may be pressed by enemies (of Israel there is no further mention), still with God's help they shall be victorious; and the result shall be that Jehovah will be more truly worshipped both by Jews and Gentiles. That this anticipation of the gathering of hostile armies against Jerusalem was not unnatural in the Persian times may be inferred from what has been said above. Persian hosts were often seen in Judea. We find an instance of this in Josephus (‘Ant. 11:7, 1), and Sidon was laid in ashes in consequence of an insurrection against Persia (Diod. 16:45). On tile other hand, how could a prophet in the time immediately preceding the Exile — the time to which, on account of 12,12, most critics refer this section-have uttered predictions such as these? Since the time of Zephaniah all the prophets looked upon the fate of Jerusalem as sealed, whereas here, in direct contradiction to such views, the preservation of the city is announced even in the extremest calamities. Any analogy to the general strain of thought in this section is only to be found in Isaiah 29-33. Besides, no king is here mentioned, but only “the house of David,” which, according to Jewish tradition (Herzfeld, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, p. 378 sq.), held a high position after the Exile, and accordingly is mentioned (12, 12,13) in its different branches (comp. Movers, Dus Phoniz. Alterth. 1, 531), together with the tribe of Levi; the prophet, like the writer of Psalms 89, looking to it with a kind of yearning, which before the Exile, while there was still a king, would have been inconceivable. Again, the manner in which Egypt is alluded to (14, 19) almost of necessity leads us to the Persian times; for then Egypt, in consequence of her perpetual efforts to throw off the Persian yoke, was naturally brought into hostility with the Jews, who were under the protection of Persia. Before the Exile this was only the case during the interval between the death of Josiah and the battle of Carchemish. It would seem, then, that there is nothing to compel us to place this section 12-14 in the times before the Exile; much, on the contrary, which can only be satisfactorily accounted for on the supposition that it was written during the period of the Persian dominion. Nor must it be forgotten that we have here that fuller development of the Messianic idea, which at such a time might be expected, and one which, in fact, rests upon all the prophets who flourished before the Exile.
Such are the grounds, critical and historical, on which Stahelin rests his defense of the later date of the second portion of the prophet Zechariah. We have given his arguments at length as the ablest and most complete, as well as the most recent, on his side of the controversy. Some of them, it must be admitted, are, full of weight. When critics like Eichhorn maintain that of the whole section Zec_9:1-10; Zec_9:17, no explanation is possible, unless we derive it from the history of Alexander the Great; and when De Wette, after having adopted the theory of different authors, felt himself obliged to abandon it for reasons already mentioned, and to vindicate the integrity of the book, the grounds for a post-exile date must be very strong. Indeed, it is not easy to say which way the weight of evidence preponderates.
(C.) With regard to the quotation in Matthew (Mat_27:9-10; comp. Zec_11:12-13) there seems no good reason for setting aside the received reading. Jerome observes (Comment. in Evang. Mat_27:9-10), “This passage is not found in Jeremiah. But in Zechariah, who is nearly the last of the twelve prophets, something like it occurs; and though there is no great difference in the meaning, yet both the order and the words are different. I read a short time since, in a Hebrew volume, which a Hebrew of the sect of the Nazarenes presented to me, an apocryphal book of Jeremiah, in which I found the passage word for word. But still I am rather inclined to think that the quotation is made from Zechariah, in the usual manner of the evangelists and apostles, who, neglecting the order of the words, only give the general sense of what they cite from the Old Test.” Eusebius (Evangel. Demonstr. lib. 10) is of opinion that the passage thus quoted stood originally in the prophecy of Jeremiah, but was either erased subsequently by the malice of the Jews [a very improbable supposition, it need hardly be said], or that the name of Zechariah was substituted: for that of Jeremiah through the carelessness of copyists. Augustine (De Cons. Evangel. 3, 30) testifies that the most ancient Greek copies had Jeremiah, and thinks that the mistake was originally Matthew's, but that this was divinely ordered, and that the evangelist would not correct the error even when pointed out, in order that we might thus infer that all the prophets spake by one Spirit, and that what was the work -of one was the work of all (“et singula esse omnilum, et omnia singulorum”). Some later writers account for the non-appearance of the passage in Jeremiah by the confusion in the Greek MSS. of his prophecies-a confusion, however, it may be remarked, which is not confined to the Greek, but which is found no less in our present Hebrew text. Others, again, suggest that in the Greek autograph of Matthew, ΖΡΙΟΥ may have been written, and that copyists may have taken this for ΙΡΙΟΥ. But there is no evidence that abbreviations of this kind were in use so early. Epiphanius and some of the Greek fathers seem to have read ἐν τοῖς προφήταις. The most ancient copy of the Latin version of the Gospels omits the name of Jeremiah, and has merely dictum est per Prophetam. It has been conjectured that this represents the original Greek reading τὸ ηθὲν διὰ τοῦ Προφήτου, and that some early annotator wrote ῾Ιερεμίου on the margin, whence it crept into the text. The choice lies between this, and a slip of memory on the part of the evangelist, if we admit the integrity of our present book of Zechariah, unless, indeed, we suppose, with Eichhorn, who follows Jerome, that an Apocryphal book of Jeremiah is quoted. Theophylact proposes to insert a καὶ, and would read διὰ ῾Ιερεμίου καὶ τοῦ Προφήτου-ἤγουν Ζαχαρίου. He argues that the quotation is really a fusion of two passages; that concerning the price paid occurring in Zechariah 11 and that concerning the field in Jeremiah 19 But what New Test. writer would have used such a form of expression “by Jeremy and the Prophet?” Such a mode of quotation is without parallel. At the same time, it must be borne in mind that the passage as given in Matthew does not represent exactly either the Hebrew text of Zechariah or the version of the Sept. The other passages of the prophet quoted in the New Test. are 9:9 (in Mat_21:5; Joh_12:15) 12:10 (in Joh_19:37; Rev_1:7); 13:7 (in Mat_26:31; Mar_14:27); but in no instance is the prophet quoted by name.
(D.) The following writers have discussed the question of the integrity of Zechariah: Mede, Works (Lond. 1664) p. 786,884; Kidder [Bp.], Demonstration of the Messiahs (ibid. 1700), 2, 199; Newcome [Archbp.], Minor Prophets (ibid. 1785); Blayney, New Translation of Zechariah (Oxf. 1797); Carpzov, Vindic. Critf.(Lips. 1724); Flügge, Die Weissagungen des Proph. Zach. (Hamb. 1784); Bertholdt, Einleitung, 4:1762 sq., 1712 sq.; Eichhorn, Propheten, 3, 327-360, 380-392, 415-428, 515-518; id. Einleitung (4th ed. 1824), 4:427 sq.; Bauer, Einleitung, p. 510 sq.; Beckhaus, Integritat der proph. Schrift. p. 337 sq.; Jahn, Einleitung, 2, 675 sq.; Koster, Melefemata Exeget. (Götting. 1818); Forberg, Comm. Exeget. (Cob. 1824); Gramberg, Gesch. der Relionsideen, 2. 520 sq.; Rosenmüller, Scholia, 7:4, 254 sq.; Gredner, Der Prophet Joel, p. 67 sq.; Hengstenberg, Beitriqe, 1, 361 sq.; id. Christologie, vol. 3; id. Integrity of Zechariah (Edinb. transl. 1848); De Wette, Einleitung (1st to 3rd eds. against the Integrity, later eds. in favor of it); Keil, Einleitung; Havernick, Einleitung; Maurer, Comment. 2,621 sq.; Ewald, Die Propheten; id. Gesch. vol 4; Bleek, Einleitung; id. Zeitalter von Zach., in the Stud. und Krit. 1852, p. 247 sq.; Stiahelin, Einleitung, 1862, p. 315 sq.; Hitzig, in Stud. und Krit. 1830, p. 25 sq., and in Prophet.; Henderson, Minor Prophets (1830); Davidson, in Horme's Introd. (10th ed. 1856), and more recently in his Introduction to the Old. Testament; Bunsen, Bibelwerk, vol. 2, ch. 1, pt. 2; id. Gött in der Geschichte, 1, 449; Sandrock, Zach. ab uno Autore. (Vratisl. 1856); Ortenberg [disintegratist], Bestandtheile des Buches Sach. (Stuttg. 1860); Wright, Bampton Lect. for 1878; and the later commentators generally.
II. Style and Diction. — Some of Zechariah's peculiarities in these respects have been noticed above. It will have been already perceived that the symbols with which he abounds are obscure, and their prosaic structure is diffuse and unvaried. The rhythm of his poetry is unequal, and its parallelisms are inharmonious and disjointed. His language has in many phrases a close alliance with that of the other prophets, and occasional imitations of them, especially of Ezekiel, characterize his oracles. He is also peculiar in his introduction of spiritual beings into his prophetic scenes. In point of phraseology, generally speaking, Zechariah's style is pure and remarkably free from Chaldaisms. As is common with writers in the decline of a language, he seems to have striven to imitate the purity of the earlier models; but in orthography, and in the use of some words and phrases, he betrays the influence of a later age. He writes אֹתand דָּוַיד, and employs אִחִת‘(Zec_5:7) in its later use as the indefinite article, and אִנְתְּרוֹתwith the fem. termination (Zec_4:12). A full collection of these peculiarities will be found in Kyster, Meletemata in Zechariah etc.
IV. Commentaries. — The following are the exegetical helps on the entire prophecy exclusively, to the most important of which we prefix an asterisk: Jerome, Commentarii (in Opp. ed. Villars [Veron. 1734], 6); Theodoret, Interpretatio (in Opp. ed. Schulze [Hal. 176974], II, 2); Ephrem Syrus, Explanatio (in Opp. 5, 285); Rupertus Tuitiensis, In Zechariah (in Opp. 1, 520); Kimchi, Commentary (transl. from the Heb. by McCaul, Lond. 1824, 8vo); Luther, Auslegung (Wittenb. 1528, 4to; Erf. eod. 8vo; also in his Works, in Lat. and Germ.); Melancthon, Commentarius (in Opp. 2, 531); Draco, Explicatio [includ. Joel and Micah ] (Vitemb. 1565, fol.); Chytrseus, Lectiones (in Opp. 2, 397); Stunica, R. C.], Commentaria (Salmant. 1577, fol.); Grynaeus, Commentarius (Genev. 1581, 8vo); Osor [R. C.], Commentarius (Colon. 1584, 8vo; also in Opp.); Baldwin, Commentarius [includ. Hagg and Mal.] (Vitemb. 1610, 8vo); Sanctius [R. C.1, Commentarius (Lugd. 1616, 4to); Pemble, Exposition [on ch. 1-9] (Lond. 1629, 4to); De Reyroles [R. C.], Quaestiones (Par. 1631, fol.); Ursinus, Commentarius (Francof. 1652, 8vo); Dorsch, Synopsis (ibid. 1653,1691,4to); Varenius, Explicatio [includ. Haggai lnd Mal.] (Rost. 1662,4to); De Base, Analysis (Brem. 1689, 4to); Biermann, Erklarung (Utrecht, 1699; in Germ. 1706, 4to); Gerbade, Opelooften (Leyd. 1702, 4to); Muilman, Illustratio (Franek. 1703, 4to); Meiss, Erklarung (Leips. 1706, 8vo); Bohle, Analysis, ed. Grape (Rost. 1711, 8vo); Nemethus, Explicatio (Ultraj. 1714, 4to); Boekholt, Erklarung (Amst. 1718, 4to); Andala, Dissertationes (Franek. 1720, 4to); *Vitringa, Commentarii (Leov. 1734, 4to); Mann, Zergliederung (Brem. eod. 4to); Opitz, Amerk. (Gott. 1747, 4to
CYCLOPEDIA OF BIBLICAL, THEOLOGICAL AND ECCLESIASTICAL
press 1895.

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