Numbers, Book Of

VIEW:16 DATA:01-04-2020
NUMBERS, BOOK OF.—1. The Book of Numbers forms the sequel to the Book of Exodus; it carries on the history of the Israelites from the stay at Sinai till the arrival at the borders of Moab. The name ‘Numbers’ is due to the repeated numberings in chs. 1, 3, 4, 26. The book is composed of writings from the prophetic schools of J [Note: Jahwist.] and E [Note: Elohist.] , and the Priestly school of P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] . One passage is from D [Note: Deuteronomist.] —Num_21:33-35 = Deu_3:1-8. A minute analysis of the sources, not only distinguishing J [Note: Jahwist.] , E [Note: Elohist.] , and P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] , but also separating the different strata of P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] , is necessary for a full understanding of the book. The present article, however, can only accept in broad outline the results reached by scholars. The reader is referred to The Hexateuch ed. by Carpenter and Battersby, the art. ‘Numbers’ by the latter in Hastings’ DB [Note: Dictionary of the Bible.] iii., and Gray’s Com. on Numbers.
2. Although the narrative begins at Sinai and ends in Moab, the period of the 40 years’ wanderings is a blank, and the events are confined to the two periods before and after it. The book consists of three parts: Num_1:1 to Num_10:10, Num_10:11 to Num_21:9, Num_21:10 to Num_36:13.
A. Num_1:1 to Num_10:19. Ordinances at Sinai.—The section is entirely from P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] .
Contents.—Chs. 1–4: (a) The census; (b) arrangement of the camp; (c) functions of the Levites. Chs. 5, 6: Laws concerning (d) three unclean classes of persons who must be excluded from the camp (Num_5:1-4); (e) some priestly dues (5–10); (f) the ordeal of jealousy (11–31); (g) the law of the Nazirite (Num_6:1-21); (h) the priests’ formulas of blessing (Num_6:22-27). (i) Ch. 7: The offerings (identical in each case) of the twelve tribal princes. (j) Ch. Num_8:1-4 : The golden lampstand. (k) Ch. Num_8:5-26 : Dedication of the Levites, and age of their service. (l) Ch. Num_9:1-14 : The supplementary Passover, (m) Ch. Num_9:15-23 : The cloud over the Tabernacle, (n) Ch. Num_10:1-10 : The two silver trumpets.
Notes.—Two passages in this section are retrospective, viz. 7 and Num_9:1-14. The rest cover the last 19 days (Num_1:1, Num_10:11) spent at Sinai.
(a) The census is referred to by anticipation in Exo_30:12; Exo_38:26. The strange position of Gad in the lists (Num_1:20-47; Num_1:26) is explained by the position assigned to it in ch. 2, next to Reuben and Simeon on the S. of the camp. The figures of the census are artificial and impossible; they are investigated by Gray, Numbers, pp. 10–15. (b) The arrangement of the camp is based upon the same principle as that in the ideal picture of Ezekiel (ch. 48). (c) The Levites are instituted as a class of priests’ servants—a conception quite at variance with all earlier representations. They are accepted by J″ [Note: Jahweh.] in lieu of the firstborn of Israel. The transport duties of the three Levitical families, Kohath, Gershon, and Merari, are detailed. Notice that the period of service in Num_4:2-20 differs from that in Num_8:23-26. (d) The three classes are dealt with in detail in Lev_13:1-59; Lev_15:1-33 and Num_19:1-22 respectively, (e) The section is supplementary to Lv 5:20–26. It deals with the cases in which the injured party is dead, and there is no next-of-kin. It further lays down that every sacred gift is to belong to the particular priest to-whom it is paid, (f) A woman suspected by her usband of adultery which cannot be proved, is made to drink a potion which will be harmful if she is guilty, but will result in fruitfulness if she is innocent. This and the Nazirite vow (g) are instances of very ancient practices which have survived, in the form of law, only in P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] . (h) The priestly blessing is probably earlier in origin than P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] , and may have been used in the Temple before the Exile. Psa_67:1-7 appears to be influenced by it. (i) See Exo_25:31-40; Exo_27:20 f.; (j) reads like a later expansion of the commands in chs. 3, 4.
B. Num_10:11 to Num_21:9. From Sinai to the desert W. of the ‘Arabah.
Contents.—(a) Num_10:11-28 P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] . The move to the Wilderness of Paran in marching order. (b) Num_10:29-36 J. Departure from the mountain; Moses asked Hobab to accompany them. Words which Moses used to address to the ark. (c) Num_11:1-3 E. Taberah. (d) Num_11:4-35 JE [Note: Jewish Encyclopedia.] . Kibroth-hattaavah; the 70 elders, Eldad and Medad; the quails; Hazeroth. (e) Num_12:1-15 E [Note: Elohist.] . Aaron and Miriam attacked Moses; Miriam’s leprosy. (f) Num_12:13 J [Note: Jahwist.] . The move to the wilderness of Paran. (g) Num_12:13-14 JEP. The sending of the spies; their evil report, and its sequel. Num_12:15 P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] . Laws concerning: (h) Meal-offerings and libations (1–16), (i) cake of first of ‘ărîsôth (17–21), (j) propitiation for sins of Ignorance (22–31), (k) punishment for Sabbath-breaking (32–38), (l) tassels (37–41), (m) 16 JEP. Rebellion of Korah (P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] ) and of Dathan. Abiram, and On (JE [Note: Jewish Encyclopedia.] ). (n) 17 P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] . Aaron’s rod budded, (o) Num_18:1-7 P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] . Levites to be the priests’ servants, (p) Num_18:3-32 Peter. Dues to the Levites. (q) 19 P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] . Ritual of the red cow, to remove defilement by the dead. (r) Num_20:1-13 JEP. The move to the Wilderness of Zin (P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] ); Miriam died at Kadesh (JE [Note: Jewish Encyclopedia.] ); want of water (JE [Note: Jewish Encyclopedia.] ); the sin of Moses and Aaron at Meribah (P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] ). (s) Num_20:14-21 JE [Note: Jewish Encyclopedia.] . Edom refused passage through their territory. (t) Num_20:22-29 P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] . Aaron died at Mt. Hor, and was succeeded by Eleazar. (u) Num_21:1-3 JE [Note: Jewish Encyclopedia.] . Hormah. (v) Num_21:4-9 JEP. Departure from Mt. Hor (P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] ); circuit round Edom; and the bronze serpent (JE [Note: Jewish Encyclopedia.] ).
Notes.—(b) Hobab, not Reuel, is Moses’ father-in-law; cf. Jdg_4:11 (RVm [Note: Revised Version margin.] ). Hobab’s answer after Num_21:32 has been lost; but Jdg_1:15 makes it probable that he consented to accompany them. (d) Into the story of the quails have been interpolated Jdg_1:11 f., 14f., and also the account of the elders, Jdg_1:18 f., Jdg_1:24-30 Some think that the former should follow Exo_33:1-3 and the latter Exo_33:7-11. (g) The narratives of JE [Note: Jewish Encyclopedia.] and of P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] have been combined. In JE [Note: Jewish Encyclopedia.] spies went to the S. of Canaan, as far as Hebron only. They brought back a cluster of grapes, and said that the land was fertile, but invincible with its giants and great cities. Caleb alone declared that they would be able to conquer it. The people determined to return to Egypt under another captain. Moses entreated J″ [Note: Jahweh.] not to smite them with pestilence. J″ [Note: Jahweh.] consented, but condemned all except Caleb to die in the wilderness. They were commanded to go by the Red Sea, whereupon they suddenly repented, and made an attack upon the Amalekites and Canaanites, but were repulsed with loss. In P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] , the spies, whose names are given, went through the whole of Canaan unmolested. They reported that the land was so barren [as it was in the days of P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] ] that its inhabitants could not live. The people murmured, but Caleb and Joshua [here first mentioned in P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] ] tried to encourage them. The glory of J″ [Note: Jahweh.] appeared, and the people were condemned to wander 40 years, in which all over 20 years of age, except Caleb and Joshua, should die. (h) A scale of amounts of meal, oil, and wine to accompany various animals in sacrifice. It is a later, and more carefully graduated, system than that in Eze_46:5-7; Eze_46:11; Eze_46:14. (i) ‘ărîsôth perhaps means barley meal. ‘First’ appears to refer to the first lump of dough made from the material. (m) Distinct incidents from JE [Note: Jewish Encyclopedia.] and from P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] have been woven together. In JE [Note: Jewish Encyclopedia.] a rebellion was raised by some Reubenites—Dathan, Abiram, and On—against the civil authority of Moses. Moses warned the people to depart from the tents of the conspirators, who were then swallowed up in the earth. In P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] , Korah with 250 princes, who were representatives of all the secular tribes, rebelled against the claim for the special sanctity of the tribe of Levi. At J″ [Note: Jahweh.] ’s challenge they burned incense on censers in front of the Tabernacle; the whole congregation were present, and the glory of J″ [Note: Jahweh.] appeared. Moses told the mass of the people to depart from the Tabernacle, and the fire of J″ [Note: Jahweh.] devoured the 250 men. On the next day the people assembled, and murmured against Moses and Aaron. A plague began, which was checked by Aaron’s action in running among the people with a lighted censer. The superiority of the tribe of Levi was then vindicated by the budding of Aaron’s staff (ch. 17), and the dues to be paid to the Levites were laid down (ch. 18). Into P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] ’s story, however, later passages have been interpolated (Num_16:8-11; Num_16:18 f., Num_17:1-5), which represent Korah’s company as Levites, who rebel against the claim of superior sanctity for the family of Aaron. (r) The events are at the end of the wanderings, but no movements have been recorded since the events before the 40 years (ch. 13). The difficulties with regard to Kadesh and the wanderings may be studied in Driver, Deut. pp. 31–33. The Meribah narrative in the present section is a combination of J [Note: Jahwist.] and P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] . (A Meribah story from E [Note: Elohist.] is combined with a Massah story from J [Note: Jahwist.] in Exo_17:1-7.) The sin of Moses and Aaron has not been fully preserved; Exo_17:10 relates only ill-temper (referred to in Psa_106:32 f.), though Exo_17:12 describes it as unbelief, and Num_27:14 as rebellion. (s) The sequel of this is Num_21:4 b, Num_21:12 f. (JE [Note: Jewish Encyclopedia.] ), (u) Hormah is connected with hçrem,‘ban,’ because of the vow to destroy—ban—the Canaanite cities. The section appears to be misplaced, for it is difficult to understand why the Israelites should have turned away from Canaan immediately after such a striking victory. (v) The story was probably to explain the existence of the bronze serpent which Hezekiah afterwards destroyed; it is difficult to see how such a figure in bronze could have been manufactured in the desert with the rapid haste which the occasion would demand
C. Num_21:10-35. Marches and events E. of the ‘Arabah and the Jordan.
Contents.—(a) Num_21:10-30 JEP. Itinerary, and two songs. (b) Num_21:21-32 JE [Note: Jewish Encyclopedia.] . Amorites refused passage. and were defeated. Song of triumph, (c) Num_21:33-35 D [Note: Deuteronomist.] . Defeat of Og. (d) Num_22:1. Arrival at Moab. (e) Num_22:2 to Num_24:25 JE [Note: Jewish Encyclopedia.] . Balaam. (f) Num_25:1-5 JE [Note: Jewish Encyclopedia.] . Immorality and idolatry owing to seduction by the Moabite women; the worship of the Baal of Peor. (g) Num_25:8-18 P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] . Perpetual priesthood promised to the line of Phinehas for his zeal in killing the Israelite and the Midianitess. (h) 26 P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] . The second census, (i) Num_27:1-1. Case arising out of the daughters of Zelophehad. (j) Num_27:12-23 P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] . Moses bidden to prepare for death; Joshua appointed to succeed him. (k) 28, 29 P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] . A scale of public offerings. (l) 30 P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] . Conditions of validity of a vow. (m) Num_3:1. The war with Midian. (n) Num_3:2. Gad and Reuben, and (J [Note: Jahwist.] ) Manasseh, settled on the E. of Jordan. (o) Num_33:1-49 P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] . Itinerary from Egypt to Moah. Num 33:50–36 P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] . Laws relative to the settlement in Canaan, viz.: (p) Num_33:50-56. Destruction of Canaanitish objects of worship, and division of land by lot. (q) Num_34:1-15. The boundaries of Canaan. (r) Num_34:16-29. Persons to superintend the allotment. (s) Num_35:1-5. Levitical cities. (t) Num_35:9-34. Cities of refuge. (u) Ch. 36. Heiresses (Zelophehad’s daughters) not to marry outside their own tribe.
Notes.—(a) vv. 10, 11a P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] take the Israelites from Mt. Hor straight to a point on the E. of the ‘Arabah, apparently disregards the detour by the Red Sea and by the E. of Edom. Vv. 11b–20 E [Note: Elohist.] contain places on the northward march from Ezion-geber on the Gulf of Akabah; Deu_10:6-9 gives the previous march southward from Kadesh. (b) The last clause of the song (290) may be a gloss. The whole interpretation of the song depends upon its presence or absence (see Gray on the passage). (c) Practically identical with Deu_3:1-3; the only passage from D [Note: Deuteronomist.] in the book. (g) The introduction of a Midianitess can hardly have occurred in Moab. The mention of foreign wives in v. 1 may have caused the passage to be placed here. The narrative is only partially preserved, for nothing is said of the sending of ‘the plague’ (8f.). (j) Vv. 12, 13 are closely related to Deu_32:48-50; whether they are incorporated in, or derived from, Dt. is uncertain. (k) The scale of offerings incidentally contains a list of the fixed feasts or sacred seasons, viz. Sabbath (Num_28:9 f.). New Moon (11), Passover (16), Unleavened Cakes (17), Feast of Weeks (26), Feast of Trumpets (Num_29:1), Day of Atonement (7), Feast of Booths (12–38). (l) These are concerned chiefly with women’s vows, which are treated nowhere else. (m) The story is of the nature of a midrash; the numbers of the Israelites, and of the slain and the spoils, are artificial; nothing is said of the march to Midian, or of the place of fighting. The narrative appears mainly intended to illustrate the rules of the distribution of booty (25–30), and the removal of uncleanness by contact with the dead (10–24). (n) The term ‘Gilead’ is very elastic. In 1–29 it refers to land south of the Jabbok, but in 39 to land north of it, while in Jos_22:9; Jos_22:13 it covers the whole land E. of the Jordan. The towns assigned to Reuben and Gad conflict with P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] ’s theory in Jos_13:15-33, which is represented in most maps of Palestine, according to which Gad is to the north and Reuben to the south of the N. end of the Dead Sea. In the present passage the towns of Reuben lie between Gadite towns situated to the N. and the S. of them. Vv. 39–42 (J [Note: Jahwist.] ) represent the Manassite settlement on the W. of Jordan as older than that on the E. The verses are a fragment, similar to Jdg_1:1-36 and the older parts of Joshua. (o) The itinerary falls into four parts: 5–15, Rameses to the Wilderness of Sinai; 15–35, thence to Ezion-geber on the E. arm of the Red Sea; 36, thence to Kadesh = Wilderness of Zin (one stage of 70 miles); 37–49, thence to the steppes of Moab. (p) The objects mentioned are ‘figured stones’ (if that is the right rendering; Lev_26:1 only), molten images, and ‘high places.’ (q) The boundaries are ideal, at least on the west, for the Israelites never occupied a spot on the coast until Simon Maccabæus captured Joppa (1Ma_14:5). (s) The Levites receive 48 plots of land, each of about 207 acres, and containing a town and pasture land. Jos_21:1-45 states the number of plots allotted in each tribe. Like Ezekiel’s scheme (Eze_48:8-14), the arrangement is purely ideal—for (1) in a mountainous country like Palestine plots of 207 acres would be impossible; (2) earlier writings snow that Levites had no landed property, but were commended to the charity of the rest of Israel; (3) priests are found living in such towns as Nob, Shiloh, and Bethel, which are not in the list of Levitical cities. (t) The earlier laws of asylum are given in Exo_21:12-14, Deu_19:1-13; the development of the procedure is noteworthy. (u) A supplement to Num_27:1-11.
3. Broadly speaking, the value of JE [Note: Jewish Encyclopedia.] ’s narratives lies in their portrayal of character, that of P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] ’s in its embodiment of ecclesiastical ideas. In JE [Note: Jewish Encyclopedia.] the character of Moses is strongly marked, in its strength and its occasional weakness: e.g. his humble piety (Num_12:3), his trust in J″ [Note: Jahweh.] (Num_10:29-32), his faithfulness to and intimacy with Him (Num_12:6-8), his affection for his people (Num_11:2; Num_11:10-15, Num_21:7), his generosity and public spirit (Num_11:27-29; Num_11:12); and with this his despondency (Num_11:10-15) and provocation by the people (parts of Num_20:1-13). And no less vivid is the portrayal of the character of the people—their dislike of restraint, their selfish murmurings, their vehement repentance followed by wilful self-assertion. The narratives of JE [Note: Jewish Encyclopedia.] were not compiled for the sake of recording history; the compiler was a prophet with a keen sense of the religious meaning of history. And his view of personal character revealed in events is not an incidental, but a primary, element in his work. And side by side with this is his conception of the relation between J″ [Note: Jahweh.] and Israel. J″ [Note: Jahweh.] , as Israel’s only God, commands every action and step in the drama; and obedience to Him is followed by prosperity, while disobedience always brings trouble.
The spontaneity and simplicity of the earlier narratives are in marked contrast with the artificial idealism of P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] . The writings which we know collectively as P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] extend over centuries, but they were one and all the work of ecclesiastics. Narratives and laws alike were methods of representing the hierocratic conditions either actually prevalent after the Exile, or contemplated by the writers as desirable. Ecclesiasticism entered also into their conceptions of J″ [Note: Jahweh.] . In early days any man might ‘meet’ with J″ [Note: Jahweh.] and inquire of Him at the Tent, which was pitched outside the camp (Exo_33:7-11, E [Note: Elohist.] ). But now the presence of J″ [Note: Jahweh.] is protected from pollution by the sacred barrier of the priests and Levites, ‘that there be no wrath upon the congregation’ (Num_1:53). Real matters of abiding consequence to man—sin, and J″ [Note: Jahweh.] ’s attitude towards it, and the means of forgiveness—are hardly touched. And if this description seems to leave in P [Note: Priestly Narrative.] little of spiritual value, it must be answered that its value lies partly in the very evidence that it affords of the deadening influence produced upon spiritual life, and even upon literary art, by a narrow ecclesiasticism which has itself as its only aim. The age and the writings of the Priestly school are an invaluable background, to show up all the more clearly the brightness of the age which followed it, when universal approach to God was thrown open by ‘another priest, who hath been made, not after the law of a carnal commandment, but after the power of an indissoluble life’ (Heb_7:15 f.).
A. H. M‘Neile.
Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible
Edited by James Hastings, D.D. Published in 1909


Readers of Numbers should bear in mind that they are reading only part of a larger book. The ‘five books of Moses’ (or Pentateuch) originally were one book, the division into five volumes being purely for convenience. Numbers has greater significance once the reader sees it as part of this larger work. (Concerning the authorship and purpose of this larger work see PENTATEUCH.)
Significance of Numbers
In fulfilment of his promises to Abraham, God had made Abraham’s descendants into a nation, saved them from Egypt and was now taking them to their new homeland, Canaan. The person he had given them as their leader was Moses (Gen_12:2; Gen_15:18-21; Exo_3:10-12; Exo_6:4-8; for map and other details see MOSES).
After three months’ journey, God settled the people temporarily at Mt Sinai. There he established his covenant with them and gave them laws to govern their lives as his people. At the point where Numbers begins, Israel had been at Sinai almost one year (Exo_19:1; Num_1:1).
During their time at Sinai, the people had received much instruction in religious, moral and social matters (Exodus 20; Exodus 21; Exodus 22; Exodus 23; Exodus 24). They had also built the tabernacle (Exodus 25; Exodus 26; Exodus 27; Exodus 28; Exodus 29; Exodus 30; Exodus 31; Exodus 32; Exodus 33; Exodus 34; Exodus 35; Exodus 36; Exodus 37; Exodus 38; Exodus 39; Exodus 40), established a priesthood and a sacrificial system (Leviticus 1; Leviticus 2; Leviticus 3; Leviticus 4; Leviticus 5; Leviticus 6; Leviticus 7; Leviticus 8; Leviticus 9; Leviticus 10), and begun to regulate their national life according to the laws God had laid down (Leviticus 11; Leviticus 12; Leviticus 13; Leviticus 14; Leviticus 15; Leviticus 16; Leviticus 17; Leviticus 18; Leviticus 19; Leviticus 20; Leviticus 21; Leviticus 22; Leviticus 23; Leviticus 24; Leviticus 25; Leviticus 26; Leviticus 27). The people were now preparing themselves to depart from Sinai and head for Canaan (Numbers 1; Numbers 2; Numbers 3; Numbers 4; Numbers 5; Numbers 6; Numbers 7; Numbers 8; Numbers 9; Numbers 10).
The book of Numbers opens with Moses about to conduct a census so that he could prepare an army for the conquest of Canaan. The journey to Canaan should have taken only a few weeks, but instead it took almost forty years. The reason for the delay was the people’s rebellion against God. Out of fear and distrust they refused to enter Canaan, with the result that God left them in the wilderness till all that adult generation had died and a new generation had grown up. At the end of Numbers, almost forty years after its beginning, Moses took another census, this time to organize the new generation for the conquest of Canaan. The book of Numbers takes its name (in the Greek, Latin and English versions) from these two census.
Since the two census represent only a small part of the book, the Hebrew title ‘In the Wilderness’ gives a better indication of the book’s contents. Most of the book is concerned with the journey from Sinai to the borders of Canaan, and much of this journey was through wilderness country. There are very few details of the wasted years of ‘wanderings’ in the wilderness (Num_32:13).
Contents of the book
To begin with, Moses conducted a military census (1:1-54). He also set out arrangements for camping and marching (2:1-34), paying particular attention to the Levites, whose duty was to transport, erect and look after the tabernacle (3:1-4:49). After giving additional religious and civil laws (5:1-6:27), Moses accepted offerings from Israel’s leaders for the use of the Levites, and then dedicated the Levites to God’s service (7:1-8:26). Israel kept the Passover and awaited God’s sign for them to break camp and set off (9:1-10:10).
The procession moved off (10:11-36), but soon the people became complaining and they criticized Moses (11:1-12:16). Worse still, they refused to go into Canaan when they heard of the opposition that lay ahead. In so doing, they rebelled against God and consequently condemned themselves to die in the wilderness (13:1-14:45).
God impressed upon the people the necessity for obedience in all circumstances (15:1-41). Soon, however, there was another rebellion when a group of leaders challenged the authority of Moses and Aaron. They were destroyed in a dramatic divine punishment (16:1-17:13). In view of these rebellions, God gave further laws and regulations (18:1-19:22). Moses and Aaron lost patience with the complaining people, but their rash behaviour brought judgment upon themselves (20:1-13).
After being forced to detour around the land of Edom (20:14-21:20), the Israelites conquered all the Amorite territory east of Jordan and set up camp on the Plains of Moab in preparation for the attack on Canaan (21:21-22:1). Attempts by the king of Moab to destroy the Israelites were unsuccessful, though the Israelites almost destroyed themselves through their immoral behaviour with neighbouring peoples (22:2-25:18).
Moses conducted a new census (26:1-27:23) and gave further laws and regulations (28:1-30:16). In a military victory over the troublesome Midianites, the Israelites gained some welcome profits (31:1-54). As the time approached for the Israelites’ attack on Canaan, Moses set out plans for the division of the land that they were to occupy. This included the land already conquered east of Jordan and the land yet to be conquered in Canaan itself (32:1-36:13).
Bridgeway Bible Dictionary by Don Fleming
PRINTER 1990.


num?bẽrz:
I. TITLE AND CONTENTS
1. Title
2. Contents
II. LITERARY STRUCTURE
1. Alleged Grounds of Distribution
2. Objections to Same
(1) Hypothesis Unproved
(2) Written Record Not Impossible
(3) No Book Ever Thus Constructed
(4) Inherent Difficulties of Analysis
(a) The Story of the Spies
(b) Rebellion of Korah
(c) Story of Balaam
III. HISTORICAL CREDIBILITY
1. Seeming Chronological Inaccuracies
(1) The Second Passover (Numbers 9:1-5)
(2) The Thirty-seven Years' Chasm
(3) Fortieth Year
2. So-called Statistical Errors
(1) Number of the Fighting Men
(2) Size of the Congregation
(a) Multiplication of People
(b) Exodus in One Day
(c) Support in Wilderness
(d) Room at Mt. Sinai
(e) Slow Conquest of Canaan
(3) Number of the Firstborn
3. Alleged Physical Impossibilities
(1) Duties of the Priests
(2) Assembling of the Congregation
(3) Marching of the Host
(4) Victory over Midian
IV. AUTHORSHIP
1. Against the Mosaic Authorship
(1) Alternating Use of Divine Names
(2) Traces of Late Authorship
2. For the Mosaic Authorship
(1) Certain Passages Have the Appearance of Having Been Written by Moses
(2) Acquaintance on the Part of the Author with Egyptian Manners and Customs
LITERATURE

I. Title and Contents.
1. Title:
Styled in the Hebrew Bible בּמדבּר, bemidhbar, ?in the wilderness,? from the 5th word in Num_1:1, probably because of recording the fortunes of Israel in the Sinaitic desert. The 4th book of the Pentateuch (or of the Hexateuch, according to criticism) was designated Ἄριθμοι, Árithmoi in the Septuagint, and Numeri in the Vulgate, and from this last received its name ?Numbers? in the King James Version, in all 3 evidently because of its reporting the 2 censuses which were taken, the one at Sinai at the beginning and the other on the plains of Moab at the close of the wanderings.

2. Contents:
Of the contents the following arrangement will be sufficiently detailed:
(1) Before leaving Sinai, Nu 1:1 through 10:10 (a period of 19 days, from the 1st to the 20th of the 2nd month after the exodus), describing:
(a) The numbering and ordering of the people, Numbers 1 through 4.
(b) The cleansing and blessing of the congregation, Numbers 5; 6.
(c) The princes' offerings and the dedication of the altar, Numbers 7; 8.
(d) The observance of a second Passover, Num_9:1-14.
(e) The cloud and the trumpets for the march, Nu 9:15 through 10:10.
(2) From Sinai to Kadesh, Nu 10:11 through 14:45 (a period of 10 days, from the 20th to the 30th of the 2nd month), narrating:
(a) The departure from Sinai, Nu 10:11-35.
(b) The events at Taberah and Kibroth-hattaavah, Numbers 11.
(c) The rebellion of Miriam and Aaron, Numbers 12.
(d) The mission of the spies, Numbers 13; 14.
(3) The wanderings in the desert, Numbers 15 through 19 (a period of 37 years, from the end of the 2nd to the beginning of the 40th year), recording:
(a) Sundry laws and the punishment of a Sabbath breaker, Numbers 15.
(b) The rebellion of Korah, Numbers 16.
(c) The budding of Aaron's rod, Num_17:1-13.
(d) The duties and revenues of the priests and Levites, Numbers 18.
(e) The water of separation for the unclean, Numbers 19.
(4) From Kadesh to Moab, Numbers 20; 21 (a period of 10 months, from the beginning of the 40th year), reciting:
(a) The story of Balaam, Nu 22:2 through 24:25.
(b) The zeal of Phinehas, Numbers 25.
(c) The second census, Nu 26:1-51.
(d) Directions for dividing the land, Nu 26:52 through 27:11.
(e) Appointment of Moses' successor, Num_27:12-23.
(f) Concerning offerings and vows, Numbers 28 through 30.
(g) War with Midian, Numbers 31.
(h) Settlement of Reuben and Gad, Numbers 32.
(i) List of camping stations, Nu 33:1-49.
(j) Canaan to be cleared of its inhabitants and divided, Nu 33:50 through 34:29.
(k) Cities of refuge to be appointed, Numbers 35.
(l) The marriage of heiresses, Num_36:1-13.

II. Literary Structure.
According to modern criticism, the text of Numbers, like that of the other books of the Pentateuch (or Hexateuch), instead of being regarded as substantially the work of one writer (whatever may have been his sources of information and whoever may have been its first or latest editor), should be distributed - not always in solid blocks of composition, but frequently in fragments, in sentences, clauses or words, so mysteriously put together that they cannot now with certainty be separated - among three writers, J, E and P with another D (at least in one part) - these writers, individuals and not schools (Gunkel), belonging, respectively: J to the 9th century BC (circa 830), E to the 8th century BC (circa 750), P to the 5th century BC (circa 444), and D to the 7th century BC (circa 621).

1. Alleged Grounds of Distribution:
The grounds upon which this distribution is made are principally these: (1) the supposed preferential use of the Divine names, of Yahweh (Yahweh, ?Lord?) by J, and of Elohim (?God?) by E and P - a theory, however, which hopelessly breaks down in its application, as Orr (POT, chapter vii), Eerdmans (St, 33 ff) and Wiener (EPC, I) have conclusively shown, and as will afterward appear; (2) distinctions in style of composition, which are not always obvious and which, even if they were, would not necessarily imply diversity of authorship unless every author's writing must be uniform and monotonous, whatever his subject may be; and (3) perhaps chiefly a preconceived theory of religious development in Israel, according to which the people in pre-Mosaic times were animists, totemists and polytheists; in Mosaic times and after, henotheists or worshippers of one God, while recognizing the existence of other gods; and latterly, in exilic and post-exilic times, monotheists or worshippers of the one living and true God - which theory, in order to vindicate its plausibility, required the reconstruction of Israel's religious documents in the way above described, but which is now rejected by archaeologists (Delitzsch and A. Jeremias) and by theologians (Orr, Baentsch (though accepting the analysis on other grounds) and Konig) as not supported by facts.

2. Objections to Same:
Without denying that the text-analysis of criticism is on the first blush of it both plausible and attractive and has brought to light valuable information relative to Scripture, or without overlooking the fact that it has behind it the names of eminent scholars and is supported by not a few considerations of weight, one may fairly urge against it the following objections.

(1) Hypothesis Unproved.
At the best, theory is an unproved and largely imaginary hypothesis, or series of hypotheses - ?hypothesis built on hypothesis? (Orr); and nothing more strikingly reveals this than (a) the frequency with which in the text-analysis conjecture (?perhaps? and ?probably?) takes the place of reasoned proof (b) the arbitrary manner in which the supposed documents are constructed by the critics who, without reason given, and often in violation of their own rules and principles, lift out of J (for instance) every word or clause they consider should belong to E or the Priestly Code (P), and vice versa every word or clause out of E or P that might suggest that the passage should be assigned to J, at the same time explaining the presence of the inconvenient word or clause in a document to which it did not belong by the careless or deliberate action of a redactor; and (c) the failure even thus to construct the documents successfully, most critics admitting that J and E cannot with confidence be separated from each other - Kuenen himself saying that ?the attempt to make out a Jehovistic and an Elohistic writer or school of writers by means of the Divine names has led criticism on a wrong way?; and some even denying that P ever existed as a separate document at all, Eerdmans (St, 33, 82), in particular, maintaining, as the result of elaborate exegesis, that P could not have been constructed in either exilic or post-exilic times ?as an introduction to a legal work.?

(2) Written Record Not Impossible.
It is impossible to demonstrate that the story of Israel's ?wanderings? was not committed to writing by Moses, who certainly was not unacquainted with the art of writing, who had the ability, if any man had, to prepare such a writing, whose interest it was, as the leader of his people, to see that such writing, whether done by himself or by others under his supervision, was accurate, and who besides had been commanded by God to write the journeyings of Israel (Num_33:2). To suppose that for 500 years no reliable record of the fortunes of Israel existed, when during these years writing was practiced in Egypt and Babylon; and that what was then fixed in written characters was only the tradition that had floated down for 5 centuries from mouth to mouth, is simply to say that little or no dependence can be placed upon the narrative, that while there may be at the bottom of it some grains of fact, the main body of it is fiction. This conclusion will not be readily admitted.

(3) No Book Ever Thus Constructed.
No reliable evidence exists that any book either ancient or modern was ever constructed as, according to criticism, the Pentateuch, and in particular Numbers, was. Volumes have indeed been composed by two or more authors, acting in concert, but their contributions have never been intermixed as those of J, E, D and P are declared to have been; nor, when joint authorship has been acknowledged on the title-page, has it been possible for readers confidently to assign to each author his own contribution. And yet, modern criticism, dealing with documents more than 2,000 years old and in a language foreign to the critics - which documents, moreover, exist only in manuscripts not older than the 10th century AD (Buhl, Canon and Text of the Old Testament, 28), and the text of which has been fixed not infallibly either as to consonant or vowel - claims that it can tell exactly (or nearly so) what parts, whether paragraphs, sentences, clauses or words, were supplied by J, E, P and D respectively. Credat Judaeus Apella!

(4) Inherent Difficulties of Analysis.
The critical theory, besides making of the text of Numbers, as of the other books of the Pentateuch, such a patchwork as is unthinkable in any document with ordinary pretension to historical veracity, is burdened with inherent difficulties which make it hard to credit, as the following examples taken from Numbers, will show.

(a) The Story of the Spies:
Numbers 13 and 14 are thus distributed by Cornill, Driver, Strack and EB:
JE, Num_13:17-20, Num_13:22-24, Num_13:26-31, Num_13:32, Num_13:33; Num_14:3, Num_14:4, Num_14:8, Num_14:9, Num_14:11-25, Num_14:39-45.
P, Nu 13:1-17a, Num_13:21, Num_13:25, Num_13:26 (to Paran), Num_13:32; Num_14:1, Num_14:2 (in the main), Num_14:5, 10, 26-38 (in the main).
Kautzsch generally agrees; and Hartford-Battersby in HDB professes ability to divide between J and E.
(i) According to this analysis, however, up to the middle of the 5th century BC, either JE began at Num_13:17, in which case it wanted both the instruction to search the land and the names of the searchers, both of which were subsequently added from P (assuming it to have been a separate document, which is doubtful); or, if JE contained both the instruction and the names, these were supplanted by 13:1-17a from P. As the former of these alternatives is hardly likely, one naturally asks why the opening verses of JE were removed and those of P substituted? And if they were removed, what has become of them? Does not the occurrence of Yahweh in 13:1-17a, on the critical principles of some, suggest that this section is the missing paragraph of JE?
(ii) If the JE passages furnish a nearly complete narrative (Driver), why should the late compiler or editor have deemed it necessary to insert two whole verses, Num_13:21 and Num_13:25, and two halves, Num_13:26 and Num_13:32, if not because without these the original JE narrative would have been incomplete? Num_13:21 states in general terms that the spies searched the whole land, proceeding as far North as Hamath, after which Num_13:22 mentions that they entered the country from the South and went up to Hebron and Eshcol, without at all stating an incongruity (Gray) or implying (Driver) that they traveled no farther North - the reason for specifying the visit to Eshcol being the interesting fact that there the extraordinary cluster of grapes was obtained. Num_13:25, Num_13:26 relate quite naturally that the spies returned to Kadesh after 40 days and reported what they had found to Moses and Aaron as well as to all the congregation. Without these verses the narrative would have stated neither how long the land had been searched nor whether Moses and Aaron had received any report from their messengers, although Num_13:26 implies that a report was given to some person or persons unnamed. That Moses and Aaron should not have been named in JE is exceedingly improbable. Num_13:32 is in no way inconsistent with Num_13:26-31, which state that the land was flowing with milk and honey. What Num_13:32 adds is an expression of the exaggerated fears of the spies, whose language could not mean that the land was so barren that they would die of starvation, a statement which would have expressly contradicted Num_13:27 (JE) - in which case why should it have been inserted? - but that, notwithstanding its fruitfulness, the population was continually being wasted by internecine wars and the incursions of surrounding tribes. The starvation theory, moreover, is not supported by the texts (Lev_26:38; Eze_36:13) usually quoted in its behalf.
(iii) To argue (Driver) for two documents because Joshua is not always mentioned along with Caleb is not strikingly convincing; while if Joshua is not included among the spies in JE, that is obviously because the passages containing his name have been assigned beforehand to P. But if Joshua's name did not occur in JE, why would it have been inserted in the story by a post-exilic writer, when even in Deu_1:36 Joshua is not expressly named as one of the spies, though again the language in Deu_1:38 tacitly suggests that both Caleb and Joshua were among the searchers of the land, and that any partition of the text which conveys the impression that Joshua was not among the spies is wrong?
(iv) If the text-analysis is as the critics arrange, how comes it that in JE the name Yahweh does not once occur, while all the verses containing it are allocated to P?

(b) Rebellion of Korah:
Numbers 16 and Num_17:1-13 are supposed to be the work of ?two, if not three,? contributors (Driver, Kautzsch) - the whole story being assigned to P (enlarged by additions about which the text analysts are not unanimous), with the exception of Num_16:1, Num_16:2, Num_16:12-15, Num_16:25, Num_16:26, Num_16:27-34, which are given to JE, though variations here also are not unknown.
It is admitted that the JE verses, if read continuously, make out a story of Dathan and Abiram as distinguished from Korah and his company; that the motives of Dathan and Abiram probably differed from those of Korah and his company, and that Dathan and Abiram were swallowed up by an earthquake, while the 250 incense-offerers were destroyed by fire. To conclude from this, however, that three or even two narratives have been intermixed is traveling beyond the premises.
(i) If JE contained more about the conspiracy of the Reubenites, Dathan and Abiram, than has been preserved in the verses assigned to it, what has become of the excised verses, if they are not those ascribed to P; and, if they are not, what evidence exists that P's verses are better than the lost verses of JE? And how comes it that in P the Divine name used throughout, with one exception, Num_16:22, is Yahweh, while in JE it occurs only 6 t? (ii) If JE contained only the parts assigned to it and nothing more happened than the Reubenite emeute, why should the Korahite rebellion have been added to it 4 centuries later, if that rebellion never happened? (iii) If the Korahite conspiracy did happen, why should it have been omitted in JE, and nothing whispered about it till after the exile? (iv) If the two conspiracies, ecclesiastical (among the princes) and civil (among the laymen), arose contemporaneously, and the conspirators made common cause with one another, in that there was nothing unusual or contrary to experience. (v) If Moses addressed himself now to Korah and again to Dathan and Abiram, why should not the same document say so? (vi) If Dathan and Abiram were engulfed by an earthquake, and the 250 princes were consumed by fire from the tabernacle, even that does not necessitate two documents, since both events might have occurred together. (vii) It is not certain that P (Num_16:35-43) represents Korah as having been consumed by fire, while JE (Num_16:31-33) declares he was swallowed up by the earth. At least P (Num_26:10) distinctly states that Korah was swallowed up by the earth, and that only the 250 were consumed by fire.
Wherefore, in the face of these considerations, it is not too much to say that the evidence for more documents than one in this story is not convincing.

(c) Story of Balaam:
Numbers 22 through 24 fare more leniently at the hands of analysis, being all left with JE, except Num_22:1, which is generously handed over to P. Uncertainty, however, exists as to how to partition chapter 22 between J and E. Whether all should be given to E because of the almost uniform use of Elohim rather than of Yahweh, with the exception of Num_22:22-35, which are the property of J because of the use of Yahweh (Driver, Kautzsch); or whether some additional verses should not be assigned to J (Cornill, HDB), critics are not agreed. As to Numbers 23 and 24, authorities hesitate whether to give both to J or to E, or chapter 23 to E and chapter 24 to J, or both to a late redactor who had access to the two sources - surely an unsatisfactory demonstration in this case at least of the documentary hypothesis. Comment on the use of the Divine names in this story is reserved till later.
Yet, while declining to accept this hypothesis as proved, it is not contended that the materials in Nu are always arranged in chronological order, or that the style of composition is throughout the same, or that the book as it stands has never been revised or edited, but is in every jot and tittle the same as when first constructed. In Numbers 7, e.g., the narrative goes back to the 1st day of the 1st month of the 2nd year, and in chapter 9 to the 1st month of the 2nd year, though chapter 1 begins with the 1st day of the 2nd month of the 2nd year. There are also legislative passages interspersed among the historical, and poetical among the prosaic, but diversity of authorship, as already suggested, cannot be inferred from either of these facts unless it is impossible for a writer to be sometimes disorderly in the arrangement of his materials; and for a lawgiver to be also a historian, and for a prose writer occasionally to burst into song. Assertions like these, however, cannot be entertained. Hence, any argument for plurality of documents rounded on them must be set aside. Nor is it a fair conclusion against the literary unity of the book that its contents are varied in substance and form and have been subjected, as is probable, to revision and even to interpolations, provided always these revisions and interpolations have not changed the meaning of the book. Whether, therefore, the Book of Nu has or has not been compiled from preexisting documents, it cannot be justly maintained that the text-analysis suggested by the critics has been established, or that the literary unity of Nu has been disproved.

III. Historical Credibility.
Were the narrative in this book written down immediately or soon after the events it records, no reason would exist for challenging its authenticity, unless it could be shown either from the narrative itself or from extraneous sources that the events chronicled were internally improbable, incredible or falsified. Even should it be proved that the text consists of two or more preexisting documents interwoven with one another, this would not necessarily invalidate its truthfulness, if these documents were practically contemporaneous with the incidents they report, and were not combined in such a way as to distort and misrepresent the occurrences they related. If, however, these pre-existing documents were prepared 500 (JE) or 1,000 (P) years after the incidents they narrate, and were merely a fixing in written characters of traditions previously handed down (JE), or of legislation newly invented and largely imaginary (P), it will not be easy to establish their historical validity. The credibility of this portion of the Pentateuch has been assailed on the alleged ground that it contains chronological inaccuracies, statistical errors and physical impossibilities.

1. Seeming Chronological Inaccuracies:
(1) The Second Passover (Num_9:1-5)
The critical argument is that a contemporary historian would naturally have placed this paragraph before Num_1:1. The answer is that possibly he would have done so had his object been to observe strict chronological order, which it manifestly was not (see Numbers 7 and 9), and had he when commencing the book deemed it necessary to state that the Israelites had celebrated a second Passover on the legally appointed day, the 14th of the 1st month of the 2nd year. This, however, he possibly at first assumed would be understood, and only afterward, when giving the reason for the supplementary Passover, realized that in after years readers might erroneously conclude that this was all the Passover that had been kept in the 2nd year. So to obviate any such mistaken inference, he prefixed to his account of the Little Passover, as it is sometimes called, a statement to the effect that the statutory ordinance, the Great Passover, had been observed at the usual time, in the usual way, and that, too, in obedience to the express commandment of Yahweh.

(2) The Thirty-Seven Years' Chasm.
Whether Num_20:1 be considered the beginning of the 3rd or of the 40th year, in either case a period of 37 years is passed over - in the one case in almost unbroken silence; in the other with scarcely anything of moment recorded save Korah's rebellion and the publication of a few laws concerning offerings to be made when the people reached the land of their habitation. To pronounce the whole book unhistorical because of this long interval of absolute or comparative silence (Bleek) is unreasonable. Most histories on this principle would be cast into the wastebasket. Besides, a historian might have as good reason for passing over as for recording the incidents of any particular period. And this might have been the case with the author of Numbers. From the moment sentence of death was passed upon the old generation at Kadesh, till the hour when the new generation started out for Canaan, he may have counted that Israel had practically ceased to be the people of Yahweh, or at least that their fortunes formed no part of the history of Yahweh's kingdom; and it is noticeable that scarcely had the tribes reassembled at Kadesh in preparation for their onward march than Miriam and Aaron, probably the last of the doomed generation, died. Accordingly, from this point on, the narrative is occupied with the fortunes of the new generation. Whether correct or not, this solution of the 37 years' silence (Kurtz) is preferable to that which suggests (Ewald) that the late compiler, having found it impossible to locate all the traditions he had collected into the closing years of the wanderings, placed the rest of them in the first 2 years, and left the interval a blank - a solution which has not even the merit of being clever and explains nothing. It does not explain why, if the narrator was not writing history, there should have been an interval at all. A romancer would not have missed so splendid an opportunity for exercising his art, would not have left a gap of 37 years unfilled, but like the writers of the apocryphal Gospels would have crowded it with manufactured tales.
On the better theory, not only is the silence explained, but the items inserted are accounted for as well. Though the unbelieving generation had ceased to be the people of Yahweh, Aaron had not yet been sentenced to exclusion from the promised land, He was still one of the representatives of the kingdom of Yahweh, and Korah's rebellion practically struck a blow at that kingdom. As such it was punished, and the story of its breaking out and suppression was recorded, as a matter that vitally concerned the stability of the kingdom. For a like reason, the legislative sections were included in the narrative. They were Yahweh's acts and not the people's. They were statutes and ordinances for the new generation in the new land.

(3) Fortieth Year.
The events recorded as having taken place between the 1st of the 5th month (the date of Aaron's death) and the 1st of the 11th month (the date of Moses' address) are so numerous and important as to render it impossible, it is said, to maintain the credibility of this portion of the narrative. But (a) it is not certain that all the events in this section were finished before Moses began his oration; neither (b) is it necessary to hold that they all occurred in succession; while (c) until the rapidity with which events followed one another is ascertained, it will not be possible to decide whether or not they could all have been begun and finished within the space of 6 months.

2. So-Called Statistical Errors:
(1) Number of the Fighting Men.
This, which may be set down roughly at 600,000, has been challenged on two grounds: (a) that the number is too large, and (b) that the censuses at Sinai and in Moab are too nearly equal. The first of these objections will be considered in the following section when treating of the size of the congregation. The second will not appear formidable if it be remembered (a) that it is neither impossible nor unusual for the population of a country to remain stationary for a long series of years; (b) that there was a special fitness in Israel's ease that the doomed generation should be replaced by one as nearly as possible equal to that which had perished; (c) that had the narrative been invented, it is more than likely that the numbers would have been made either exactly equal or more widely divergent; and (d) that so many variations occurring in the strength of the tribes as numbered at Sinai and again in Moab, while the totals so nearly correspond, constitutes a watermark of truthfulness which should not be overlooked.

(2) Size of the Congregation.
Taking the fighting men at 600,000 and the whole community at 4 1/2 times that number, or about 2 1/2 millions, several difficulties emerge which have led to the suggestion (Eerdmans, Conder, Wiener) that the 600,000 should be reduced (to, say, 6,000), and the entire population to less than 30,000. The following alleged impossibilities are believed to justify this reduction: (a) that of 70 families increasing to 2 1/2 millions between the descent into, and the departure from, Egypt; (b) that of 2 1/2 millions being led out of Egypt in one day; (c) that of obtaining support for so large a multitude with their flocks in the Sinaitic desert; (d) that of finding room for them either before the Mount at Sinai, or in the limited territory of Palestine; and (e) that of the long time it took to conquer Palestine if the army was 600,000 strong.

(a) Multiplication of People:
As to the possibility of 70 souls multiplying in the course of 215 years or 7 generations (to take the shorter interval rather than the longer of 430 years) into 2 1/2 millions of persons giving 600,000 fighting men, that need not be regarded as incredible till the rate of increase in each family is exactly known. Allowing to each of Jacob's grandsons who were married (say 51 out of 53), 4 male descendants (Colenso allows 4 1/2), these would in 7 generations - not in 4 (Colenso) - amount to 835, 584, and with surviving fathers and grandfathers added might well reach 900,000, of whom 600,000 might be above 20 years of age. But in point of fact, without definite data about the number of generations, the rates of birth and of mortality in each generation, all calculations are at the best problematical. The most that can be done is to consider whether the narrative mentions any circumstances fitted to explain this large number of fighting men and the great size of the congregation, and then whether the customary objections to the Biblical statement can be satisfactorily set aside.
As for corroborative circumstances, the Bible expressly states that during the years of the oppression the Hebrews were extraordinarily fruitful, and that this was the reason why Pharaoh became alarmed and issued his edict for the destruction of the male children. The fruitfulness of the Hebrews, however, has been challenged (Eerdmans, Vorgerschichte Israels, 78) on the ground that were the births so numerous as this presupposes, two midwives (Exo_1:15) would not have sufficed for the necessary offices. But if the two to whom Pharaoh spake were the superintendents of the midwives throughout Goshen, to whom the king would hardly address himself individually, or if they were the two officiating in Hellopolls, the statement in Exo_1:15 will appear natural enough, and not opposed to the statement in Exo_1:10 that Pharaoh was alarmed at the multiplication of the Hebrews in his land. And, indeed, if the Hebrews were only 30,000 strong, it is not easy to see why the whole might of Egypt could not have kept them in subjection. Then as to the congregation being 2 1/2 millions if the 2 fighting men were 600,000, that corresponds with the proportion which existed among the Helvetii, who had 92,000 men capable of bearing arms out of a population, including children, old men and women, of 368,000 souls (Caesar, BG, i, 20). This seems to answer the objection (Eerdmans, Vorgeschichte Israels, 78) that the unschooled Oriental is commonly addicted to exaggeration where numbers are concerned.

(b) Exodus in One Day:
The second difficulty would be serious were it necessary to suppose that the Israelites had never heard about their projected journey till the 14th of the 1st month. But the idea of going forth from Egypt must have been before them since the day Moses went to Pharaoh to demand their liberation; and at least 4 days before the 14th they had begun to prepare for departure. In circumstances such as these, with a people thirsting for liberty and only waiting the signal to move, aware also of the hour at which that signal would be given, namely, at midnight, it does not appear so formidable a task as is imagined to get them all assembled in one day at a fore-appointed rendezvous, more especially as they were not likely to delay or linger in their movements. But how could there have been 2 1/2 millions of fugitives, it is asked (Eerdmans, Wiener), if Pharaoh deemed 600 chariots sufficient for pursuit? The answer is that Pharaoh did not reckon 600 chariots sufficient, but in addition to these, which were ?chosen chariots,? he took all the chariots of Egypt, his horsemen and his army (Exo_14:7, Exo_14:9), which were surely adequate to overcome a weaponless crowd, however big it might be. And that it was big, a vast horde indeed, Pharaoh's host implies.

(c) Support in Wilderness:
The supposed difficulty of obtaining support for 2 1/2 millions of people with the flocks and herds in the Sinaitic desert takes for granted that the desert was then as barren a region as it is now, which cannot be proved, and is as little likely to be correct as it would be to argue that Egypt, which was then the granary of the world, was no more fertile than it was 10 years ago, or that the regions in which Babylon and Assyria were situated were as desolate then as they are now. This supposition disregards the fact that Moses fed the flocks of Jethro for 40 years in that same region of Sinai; that when the Israelites passed through it, it was inhabited by several powerful tribes. It overlooks, too, the fact that the flocks and herds of Israel were not necessarily all cooped up in one spot, but were most likely spread abroad in districts where water and vegetation could be found. And it ignores the statement in the narrative that the Israelites were not supplied exclusively by the produce of the desert, but had manna from heaven from the 1st day of the 2nd month after leaving Egypt till they reached Canaan. Rationalistic expositors may relegate this statement to the limbo of fable, but unless the supernatural is to be eliminated altogether from the story, this statement must be accorded its full weight. So must the two miraculous supplies of water at Horeb (Ex 17) and at Kadesh (Nu 20) be treated. It is sometimes argued that these supplies were quite insufficient for 2 1/2 millions of people with their flocks and herds; and that therefore the congregation could not have been so large. But the narrative in Nu states, and presumably it was the same in Exodus, that the smitten rock poured forth its water so copiously and so continuously that 'the people drank abundantly with their flocks.' Wherefore no conclusion can be drawn from this against the reported size of the congregation.

(d) Room at Mt. Sinai:
As to the impossibility of finding room for 2 1/2 millions of people either before the Mount at Sinai or within the land of Canaan (Conder), few will regard this as self-evident. If the site of their encampment was the Er-Rahab plain (Robinson, Stanley) - though the plain of Sebayeh, admittedly not so roomy, has been mentioned (Ritter, Kurtz, Knobel) - estimates differ as to the sufficiency of accommodation to be found there. Conder gives the dimensions of the plain as 4 square miles, which he deems insufficient, forgetting, perhaps, that ?its extent is farther increased by lateral valleys receding from the plain itself? (Forty Days in the Desert, 73; compare Keil on Exo_19:1, Exo_19:2). Kalisch, though putting the size of the plain at a smaller figure, adds that ?it thus furnished ample tenting ground for the hosts of Israel? - a conclusion accepted by Ebers, Riehm and others. In any case it seems driving literal interpretation to extreme lengths to hold that camping before the Mount necessarily meant that every member of the host required to be in full view of Sinai. As to not finding room in Canaan, it is doubtful if, after the conquest, the remnants of both peoples at any time numbered as many persons as dwelt in Palestine during the most flourishing years of the kingdom. It may well be that the whole population of Palestine today amounts to only about 600,000 souls; but Palestine today under Turkish rule is no proper gauge for judging of Palestine under David or even under Joshua.

(e) Slow Conquest of Canaan:
The long time it took to conquer Palestine (Eerdmans, Vorgeschichte Israels, 78) is no solid argument to prove the unreliable character of the statement about the size of the army, and therefore of the congregation. Every person knows that in actual warfare, victory does not always go with the big battalions; and in this instance the desert-trained warriors allowed themselves to be seduced by the idolatries and immoralities of the Canaanites and forgot to execute the commission with which they had been entrusted, namely, to drive out the Canaanites from the land which had been promised to their fathers. Had they been faithful to Yahweh, they would not have taken so long completely to possess the land (Psa_81:13, Psa_81:14). But if instead of having 600,000 stalwart soldiers they had only possessed 6,000, it is not difficult to see how they could not drive out the Canaanites. The difficulty is to perceive how they could have achieved as much as they did.

(3) Number of the Firstborn.
That the 22, 273 firstborn males from 1 month old and upward (Num_3:43) is out of all proportion to the 603, 550 men of 20 years old and upward, being much too few, has frequently (Bleek, Bohlen, Colenso and others) been felt as a difficulty, since it practically involves the conclusion that for every firstborn there must have been 40 or 45 males in each family. Various solutions of this difficulty have been offered. The prevalence of polygamy has been suggested (Michaelis, Havernick). The exclusion of firstborn sons who were married, the inclusion only of the mother's firstborn, and the great fruitfulness of Hebrew mothers have been called in to surmount the difficulty (Kurtz). But perhaps the best explanation is that only those were counted who were born after the Law was given on the night of the departure from Egypt (Exo_13:2; Num_3:13; Num_8:17) (Keil, Delitzsch, Gerlach). It may be urged, of course, that this would require an exceptionally large number of births in the 13 months; but in the exceptionally joyous circumstances of the emancipation this might not have been impossible. In any case, it does not seem reasonable on account of this difficulty, which might vanish were all the facts known, to impeach the historical accuracy of the narrative, even in this particular.
(NOTE. - In Scotland, with a population of nearly double that of the Israelites, namely, 4, 877, 648, the marriages in 1909 were 30, 092, the lowest on record for 55 years. At this rate the births in Israel during the first 12 months after the exodus might have been 15, 046, assuming each marriage to have had issue. As this marriage rate, however, is excessively low for Scotland in normal years, the number of marriages and therefore of births in Israel in the first year after the exodus may well have been twice, if not 3 times, 15, 046, i.e. 30, 092, or 45, 138. Reckoning the half of these as males, namely, 15, 046 or 22, 569, it does not appear as if the number of the firstborn in the text were quite impossible, on the supposition made.)

3. Alleged Physical Impossibilities:
(1) Duties of the Priests.
These are supposed to have been so onerous that Aaron and his sons could not possibly have performed them. But (a) the Levitical laws, though published in the desert, were not necessarily intended to receive full and minute observance there, but only in Canaan. (b) In point of fact, as Moses afterward testified (Deu_12:8), the Levitical laws were not scrupulously kept in the wilderness. (c) There is no reason to suppose that the Passover of the 2nd year was celebrated otherwise than it had been in Egypt before the exodus, the slaughtering of the lambs being performed by the heads of families. And (d) as the Levites were set apart to minister to the tabernacle (Num_1:50), they would be able in many ways to assist the priests.

(2) Assembling of the Congregation.
The assembling of the congregation at the door of the tabernacle (Num_10:3, Num_10:4) has been adduced as another physical impossibility; and no doubt it was if every man, woman and child, or even only every man was expected to be there; but not if the congregation was ordinarily represented by its ?renowned? or ?called? men, princes of the tribes of their fathers, heads of thousands of Israel (Num_1:16). To suppose that anything else was meant is surely not required. When Moses called all Israel and spake unto them (Deu_5:1; Deu_29:2), no intelligent person understands that he personally addressed every individual, or spoke so as to be heard by every individual, though what he said was intended for all. An additional difficulty in the way of assembling the congregation, and by implication an argument against the size of the congregation, has been discovered in the two silver trumpets which, it is contended, were too few for summoning so vast a host as 2 1/2 millions of people. But it is not stated in the narrative either (a) that it was absolutely necessary that every individual in the camp should hear the sound of the trumpets any more than it was indispensable that Balaam's curse should re-echo to the utmost bounds of Israel (Num_23:13), or that a public proclamation by a modern state, though prefaced by means of an ?Oyez,? should be heard by all within the state or even within its capital; or (b) if it was necessary that everyone should hear, that the trumpeters could not move about through the camp but must remain stationary at the tabernacle door; or (c) that in the clear air of the desert the sound of the trumpets would not travel farther than in the noisy and murky atmosphere of modern cities; or (d) that should occasion arise for more trumpets than two, Moses and his successors were forbidden to make them.

(3) Marching of the Host.
The marching of the host in four main divisions of about half a million each (Nu 2; Num_10:14-20) has also been pronounced a stumbling-block (Colenso, Eerdmans, Doughty), inasmuch as the procession formed (i.e. if no division began to fall into line till its predecessor had completed its evolutions) would require the whole day for its completion, and would make a column of unprecedented length - of 22 miles (Colenzo), of 600 miles (Doughty) - and would even on the most favorable hypothesis travel only a few miles, when the whole line would again need to reconstruct the camp. The simple statement of this shows its absurdity as an explanation of what actually took place on the march, and indirectly suggests that the narrative may be historical after all, as no romancer of a late age would have risked his reputation by laying down such directions for the march, if they were susceptible of no other explanation than the above. How precisely the march was conducted may be difficult or even impossible to describe in such a way as to obviate all objections. But some considerations may be advanced to show that the march through the desert was neither impossible nor incredible. (a) The deploying of the four main divisions into line may have gone on simultaneously, as they were widely apart from each other, on the East (Judah), on the South (Reuben), on the West (Ephraim) and on the North (Dan). (b) There is no ground for thinking that the march would be conducted, at least at first, with the precision of a modern army, or that each division would extend itself to the length of 22 miles. It is more than likely that they would follow their standards as best they could or with such order as could be arranged by their captains. (c) If the camps of Judah and Reuben started their preparations together, say at 6 o'clock in the morning (which might be possible), and occupied 4 hours in completing these, they might begin to advance at 10 o'clock and cover 10 miles in another 4 hours, thus bringing them on to 2 PM, after which 4 hours more would enable them to encamp themselves for the night, if that was necessary. The other two divisions falling into line, say at 2 o'clock, would arrive at 6 PM, and by 10 PM would be settled for the night. (d) It does not seem certain that every night upon the march they would arrange themselves into a regularly constructed camp; rather it is reasonable to conclude that this would be done only when they had reached a spot where a halt was to be made for some time. (e) In any case, in the absence of more details as to how the march was conducted, arithmetical calculations are of little value and are not entitled to discredit the truthfulness of the narrative.

(4) Victory over Midian.
This has been objected to on moral grounds which are not now referred to. It is the supposed impossibility of 12,000 Israelites slaying all the male Midianites, capturing all their women and children, including 32,000 virgins, seizing all their cattle and flocks, with all their goods, and burning all their cities and castles without the loss of a single man (Num_31:49), which occasions perplexity. Yet Scripture relates several victories of a similar description, as e.g. that of Abraham over the kings of the East (Gen_14:15), in which, so far as the record goes, no loss was incurred by the patriarch's army; that of Gideon's 300 over the Midianites at a later date (Jdg_7:22); that of Samson single-handed over 1,000 Philistines (Jdg_15:15); and that of Jehoshaphat at the battle of Tekoa (2Ch_20:24), which was won without a blow - all more or less miraculous, no doubt. But in profane history, Tacitus (Ann. xiii. 39) relates an instance in which the Romans slaughtered all their foes without losing a single man; and Strabo (xvi. 1128) mentions a battle in which 1,000 Arabs were slain by only 2 Romans; while the life of Saladin contains a like statement concerning the issue of a battle (Havernick, Intro, 330). Hence, Israel's victory over Midian does not afford sufficient ground for challenging its historic credibility.

IV. Authorship.
Restricting attention to evidence from Nu itself, it may be remarked in a general way that the question of authorship is practically settled by what has been advanced on its literary structure and historical credibility. For, if the materials of the book were substantially the work of one pen (whoever may have been their first collector or last redactor), and if these materials are upon the whole trustworthy, there will be little room to doubt that the original pen was in the hand of a contemporary and eyewitness of the incidents narrated, and that the contemporary and eyewitness was Moses, who need not, however, have set down everything with his own hand, all that is necessary to justify the ascription of the writing to him being that it should have been composed by his authority and under his supervision. In this sense it is believed that indications are not wanting in the book both against and for the Mosaic authorship; and these may now be considered.

1. Against the Mosaic Authorship:
(1) Alternating Use of Divine Names.
This usage, after forming so characteristic a feature in Gen and largely disappearing in Exodus and Leviticus, reasserts itself in Numbers, and more particularly in the story of Balaam. If Numbers 23 and 24 can be explained only as late documents pieced together, because of the use of ?God? in chapter 23 and of ?Lord? in chapter 24, then Moses was not their author. But if the varying use of the divine names is susceptible of explanation on the assumption that the two chapters originally formed one document, then most distinctly the claim of Moses to authorship is not debarred. Now whether Balaam was a false or a true prophet, it is clear that he could hope to please Balak only by cursing Israel in the name of Yahweh, the God'Elohim of Israel; and so it is always Yahweh he consults or pretends to consult before replying to the messengers of Balak. Four times he did so (Num_22:8, Num_22:19; Num_23:3, Num_23:15); and 3 times it was Elohim who met him (Num_22:9, Num_22:20; Num_23:14), while every time it was Yahweh who put the word in his mouth. Can any conclusion be fairer than that the historian regarded'Elohim and Yahweh as the same Divine Being, and represented this as it were by a double emphasis, which showed (a) that the Yahweh whom Balaam consulted was Elohim or the supreme God, and (b) that the God who met Balaam and supplied him with oracles was Israel's Lord? Thus explained, the alternate use of the Divine names does not require the hypothesis of two single documents rolled into one; and indeed the argument from the use of the divine names is now generally abandoned.

(2) Traces of Late Authorship.
Traces of late authorship are believed to exist in several passages: (a) Num_15:32-36 seems to imply that the writer was no longer in the wilderness, which may well have been the case, if already he was in the land of Moab. (b) Num_20:5 suggests, it is said, that the people were then in Canaan. But the language rather conveys the impression that they were not yet come to Canaan; and in point of fact the people were at Kadesh in the wilderness of Zin. (c) In Num_21:14, Num_21:15, Num_21:17, Num_21:18, Num_21:27-30, certain archaic songs are cited as if the people were familiar with them, and the Arnon is mentioned as the border of Moab long before Israel reached the river. But that poets were among the people at the time of the exodus and probably long before, the song of Moses (Ex 15) shows, and that a Book of the Wars of the Lord was begun to be composed soon after the defeat of Amalek is not an unreasonable hypothesis (Exo_17:14). As for the statement that ?Arnon leaneth upon the borders of Moab,? that may have been superfluous as a matter of information to the contemporaries of Moses when they were about to cross the stream (Strack, Einl, 25), but it was quite in place in an old prophetic song, as showing that their present position had been long before anticipated and foretold. (d) Num_24:7, according to criticism, could not have been composed before the rise of the monarchy; and certainly it could not, if prediction of future events is impossible. But if reference to a coming king in Israel was put into Balaam's mouth by the Spirit of God, as the narrator says, then it could easily have been made before the monarchy; and so could (e) Num_24:17, Num_24:18 have been written before the reign of David, though the conquest of the Edomites only then began (2Sa_8:14; 1Ki_11:1; 1Ch_18:12, 1Ch_18:13).
Examples such as these show that many, if not most, of the like objections against the Mosaic authorship of this book are capable of at least possible solution; and that Kuenen's caution should not be forgotten: ?He who relies upon the impression made by the whole, without interrogation of the parts one by one, repudiates the first principles of all scientific research, and pays homage to superficiality? (Religion of Israel, I, 11).

2. For the Mosaic Authorship:
(1) Certain Passages Have the Appearance of Having Been Written by Moses.
These are: (a) those which bear evidence of having been intended for a people not settled in cities but dwelling in tents and camps, as e.g. Numbers 1 through 4, describing the arrangements for the census and the formation of the camp; Num_6:24-26, the high-priestly benediction; Num_10:35, Num_10:36, the orders for the marching and the halting of the host; Num_10:1-9, the directions about the silver trumpets; Numbers 19, the legislation which obviously presupposes the wilderness as the place for its observance (Num_19:3, Num_19:7, Num_19:9, Num_19:14). If criticism allows that these and other passages have descended from the Mosaic age, why should it be necessary to seek another author for them than Moses? And if Moses could have composed these passages, a presumption at least is created that the whole book has proceeded from his pen. (b) The patriotic songs taken from the Book of the Wars of the Lord (Numbers 21), which some critics (Cornill, Kautzsch and others) hold cannot be later than 750 BC, are by equally competent scholars (Bleek, De Wette, E. Meyer, Konig and others) recognized as parts of Israel's inheritance from the Mosaic age, whenever they were incorporated in Numbers. (c) The list of camping stations (Numbers 33) is expressly assigned to him. Whether ?by the commandment of the Lord? should be connected with the ?journeys? (Konig) or the ?writing? makes no difference as to the authorship of this chapter, at least in the sense that it is based on a Mosaic document (Strack). It is true that even if this chapter as it stands was prepared by Moses, that does not amount to conclusive evidence of the Mosaic authorship of the whole book. Yet it creates a presumption in its favor (Drechsler, Keil, Zahn). For why should Moses have been specially enjoined to write so comparatively uninteresting and unprofitable a document as a list of names, many of which are now incapable of identification, if that was all? But if Moses was already writing up a journal or history of the wanderings, whether by his own hand or by means of amanuenses, and whether by express command or without it (not an unreasonable supposition), there was no particular need to record that this was so. If, however, Moses was not thinking of preserving an itinerary, and God for reasons of His own desired that he should do so, then there was need for a special commandment to be given; and need that it should be recorded to explain why Moses incorporated in his book a list of names that in most people's judgment might have been omitted without imperiling the value of the book. Looked at in this way, the order to prepare this itinerary rather strengthens the idea of the Mosaic authorship of the whole book.

(2) Acquaintance on the Part of the Author with Egyptian Manners and Customs.
This points in the direction of Moses. (a) The trial by jealousy (Nu 5:11-31) may be compared with the tale of Setnau, belonging probably to the 3rd century BC, but relating to the times of Rameses II, in which Ptahnefer-ka, having found the book which the god Thoth wrote with his own hand, copied it on a piece of papyrus, dissolved the copy in water and drank the solution, with the result that he knew all the book contained (RP, IV, 138). (b) The consecration of the Levites (Num_8:7) resembled the ablutions of the Egyptian priests who shaved their heads and bodies every 3rd day, bathed twice during the day and twice during the night, and performed a grand ceremony of purification, preparatory to their seasons of fasting, which sometimes lasted from 7 to 40 days and even more (WAE, I, 181). (c) Uncleanness from contact with the dead (Num_19:11) was not unknown to the Egyptians, who required their priests to avoid graves, funerals and funeral feasts (Porphyry, De Abst. ii. 50, quoted in Speaker's Comm.). (d) The fish, cucumbers, melons, leeks, onions and garlic referred to in Num_11:5 were articles of diet in Egypt (Herodotus ii. 93): (e) The antiquarian statement about Hebron (Num_13:22) fits in well with a writer in Mosaic times. ?A later writer could have had no authority for making the statement and no possible reason for inventing it? (Pulpit Commentary on Numbers). On a candid review of all the arguments pro and con, it is not too much to say that the preponderance of evidence lies on the side of the substantial Mosaicity of the Book of Numbers.

Literature.
Comms. on Nu by Bertheau (ET), Knobel, Keil (ET), Dillmann, Strack, Lange (English translation); in Speaker's Comm., Pulpit Comm., ICC (Gray); Biblical Intros of De Wette, Hengstenberg, Havernick, Bleek, Konig, Strack, Cornill, Driver; in encs, etc., RE, HDB, EB, Sch-Herz; critical comms.: Reuss, Die Geschichte der heiligen Schriften AT; Kuenen, The Religion of Israel (English translation); Wellhausen, Geschichte Israels and Prolegomena (English translation); Klostermann, Der Pentateuch; Eerdmans, Alttest. Studien; Addis, Documents of Hexateuch; Olford Hexateuch; EPC.

International Standard Bible Encyclopedia
PRINTER 1915.


Numbers, Book Of
the fourth book of Moses, so called in the Septuagint (Α᾿ριθμαοί), in the Vulgate (Numeri), and modern versions, from the double enumeration of the Israelites in ch. i-iv and in ch. 26. In the Hebrew it is called Be- midbar', בְּמַדְבֵּר, i.e. n the deserst, this word occurring in the first verse; and sometimes Va-yedabber', וִיְרִבֵּר, from the initial word. It is divided by the Jews into ten parshioth, and in the English and modern versions into thirty-six chapters. SEE PENTATEUCH.
I. Contents. — The book may be said to comprise generally the history of the Israelites from the time of their leaving Sinai, in the second year after the Exodus, till their arrival at the borders of the Promised Land in the fortieth year of their journeyings. It consists of the following principal divisions:
1. The preparations for the departure from Sinai (Num_1:1 to Num_10:10). —
(a.) The object of the encampment at Sinai has been accomplished; the covenant has been made, the law given, the sanctuary set up, the priests consecrated, the service of God appointed, and Jehovah dwells in the midst of his chosen people. It is now time to depart in order that the object may be achieved for which Israel has been sanctified. That object is the occupation of the Promised Land. But this is not to be accomplished by peaceable means, but by the forcible expulsion of its present inhabitants; for “the iniquity of the Amorites is full,” they are ripe for judgment, and this judgment Israel is to execute. Therefore Israel must be organized as Jehovah's army; and to this end a mustering of all who are capable of bearing arms is necessary. Hence the book opens with the numbering of the people (ch. i-iv). This comprises, first, the census of all the tribes or clans, amounting in all to six hundred and three thousand five hundred and fifty, with the exception of the Levites, who were not numbered with the rest (ch. i); secondly, the arrangement of the camp and the order of march (ch. ii); thirdly, the special and separate census of the Levites, who are claimed by God instead of all the first-born, the three families of the tribe having their peculiar offices in the ‘Tabernacle appointed them, both when it was at rest and when they were on the march (ch. iii-iv).
(b.) Certain laws apparently supplementary to the legislation in Leviticus (ch. v, vi): the removal of the unclean from the camp (v. 1-4); the law of restitution (Num_5:5-10); the trial of jealousy (Num_5:11-31); the. law of the Nazarites (Num_6:1-21); the form of the priestly blessing (Num_6:22-27).
(c.) Events occurring at this time, and regulations connected ‘with them' (Num_7:1 to Num_10:10). Chapter 7 gives an account of the offerings of the princes of the different tribes at the dedication of the Tabernacle; ch. 8 of the consecration of the Levites (Lev 7:89 and Lev_8:1-4 seem to be out of place); Num_9:1-14, of the second observance of the Passover (the first in the wilderness) on the fourteenth day of the second month, and of certain provisions made to meet the case of those Who by reason of defilement were unable to keep it. Lastly, Num_9:15-23, tells how the cloud and the fire regulated the march and the encampment; and Num_10:1-10, how two silver trumpets were employed to give the signal for public assemblies, for war, and for festal occasions.
2. March from Sinai to the borders of Canaan. —
(a.) We have here, first, the order of march described (Num_10:14-28); the appeal of Moses to his father-in-law, Hobab, to accompany them in their journeys — a request urged probably because, from his desert life, he would be well acquainted with the best spots to encamp in, and also would have influence with the various wandering and predatory tribes who inhabited the peninsula (29-32); and the chant which accompanied the moving and the resting of the ark (vers. 35, 36).
(b.) An account of several stations and of the events which happened at them. The first was at Taberah, where, because of impatient murmurings, many of the people were destroyed by lightning (these belonged chiefly, it would seem, to the motley multitude which came out of Egypt with the Israelites); the loathing of the people for the manna; the complaint of Moses that he cannot bear the burden thus laid upon him, and the appointment in consequence of seventy elders to serve and help him in his office (Num_11:10-29); the quails sent, and the judgment following thereon, which gave its name to the next station, Kibroth-hattaavah (the graves of lust), Num_11:31-35 (comp. Psalm 88:30, 31; Psa_106:14-15); arrival at Hazeroth, where Aaron and Miriam are jealous of Moses, and Miriam is in consequence smitten with leprosy (Num_12:1-15); the sending of the spies from the wilderness of Paran, their report, the refusal of the people to enter Canaan, their rejection in consequence, and their rash attack upon the Amalekites, which resulted in a defeat (Num_12:16 to Num_14:45).
3. A brief notice of laws given and events which transpired apparently during the thirty-seven years' wandering in the wilderness (Num_15:1 to Num_19:22); but we have no notices of time or place. We have laws respecting the meat and drink offerings, and other sacrifices. (Num_15:13); an account of the punishment of a Sabbath-breaker, perhaps as an example of the presumptuous sins mentioned in vers. 30, 31 (Num_15:32-36); the direction to put fringes on the garments as mementos (Num_15:37-41); the history of the rebellion of Korah, Dathan, and. Abiram, and the murmuring of the people (16); the budding of Aaron's rod as a testimony that the tribe of Levi was chosen (17); the direction that Aaron and his sons should bear the iniquity of the people, and the duties of the priests and Levites (18); the law of the water of purification (19).
4. The history of the last year, from the second arrival of the Israelites in Kadesh till ‘they reach “the plains of Moab by Jordan near Jericho” (Num_20:1 to Num_36:13). —
(a.) This narrative returns abruptly to the second encampment of the Israelites in Kadesh. Here Miriam dies, and the people murmur for water, and Moses and Aaron, “speaking unadvisedly,” are not allowed to enter the Promised Land (Num_20:1-13). They intended perhaps, as before, to enter Canaan from the south. This, however, was not to be permitted. They therefore desired a passage through the country of Edom. Moses sent a conciliatory message to the king, asking permission to pass through, and promising carefully to abstain from all outrage, and to pay for the provisions which they might find necessary. The jealousy, however, of this fierce and warlike people was aroused. They refused the request, and turned out in arms to defend their border. As those almost inaccessible mountain passes could have been held by a mere handful of men against a large and well-trained army, the Israelites abandoned the attempt as hopeless, and turned southward, keeping along the western borders of Idumaea till they reached Ezion-geber (Num_20:14-21). On their way southward they stopped at Mount Hor, or rather. at Moserah, on the edge of the Edomitish territory; and from this spot it would seem that Aaron, accompanied by his brother Moses and his son Eleazar, quit the camp in order to ascend the mountain. Mount Hor lying itself within the Edomitish territory, while it might have been perilous for a larger number to attempt to penetrate it, these unarmed wayfarers would not be molested, or might escape detection. Bunsen suggests that Aaron was taken to Mount Hor in the hope that the fresh air. of the mountain might be beneficial to his recovery; but the narrative does not justify such a supposition.
After Aaron's death the march was continued southward; but when the Israelites approached the head of the Akabah; at the southernmost point of the Edomitish territory, they again murmured by reason of the roughness of the way, and many perished by the bite of venomous serpents (Num_20:22 to Num_21:9). The passage (Num_21:1-3) which speaks of the Canaanitish king of Arad as coming out against the Israelites is clearly out of place, standing as it does after the mention of Aaron's death on Mount Hor. Arad is in the south of Palestine. The attack, therefore, must have been made while the people were yet in the neighborhood of Kadesh. The mention of Hormah also shows that this must have been the case (Num_14:45). It is on this second occasion that the name of Hormah is said to have been given. Either therefore it is used proleptically in 14:45, or there is some confusion in the narrative. What “the way of Atharim” (A. V. “the way of the spies”) was, we have no certain means now of ascertaining. SEE EXODE.
(b.) There is again a gap in the narrative. We are told nothing of the march along the eastern edge of Edom, but suddenly find ourselves transported to the borders of Moab. Here the Israelites successively encountered and defeated the kings of the Amorites and of Bashan, wresting from them their territory, and permanently occupying it (Num_21:10-35). Their successes alarmed the king of Moab, who, distrusting his superiority in the field, sent for a magician to curse his enemies; hence the episode of Balaam (Num_22:1 to Num_24:25). Other artifices were employed by the Moabites to weaken the Israelites, especially through the influence of the Moabitish women (Num_25:1), with whom the Midianites (Num_25:6) are also joined; this evil was averted by the zeal of Phinehas (Num_25:7-8). A second numbering of the Israelites took place in the plains of Moab preparatory to their crossing the Jordan (26). A question arose as to the inheritance of daughters, and a decision was given thereon (Num_27:1-11). Moses is warned of his death, and Joshua is appointed to succeed him (Num_27:12-23). Certain laws are given concerning the daily sacrifice, and the offerings for Sabbaths and festivals (28, 29), and the law respecting vows (30); the conquest of the Midianites is narrated (31); and the partition of the country east of the Jordan among the tribes of Reuben and Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh (32). Then follows a recapitulation, though with some difference, of the various encampments of the Israelites in the desert (Num_33:1-49); the command to destroy the Canaanites (Num_33:50-56); the boundaries of the Promised Land, and the men appointed to divide it (34); the appointment of the cities of the Levites and the cities of refuge (35); further directions respecting heiresses, with special reference to the case mentioned in ch. xxvii, and conclusion of the book (36).
II. Integrity and Elements. — This, like the other books of the Pentateuch, is supposed by many critics to consist of a compilation from two or three, or more, earlier documents. According to De Wette, the following portions are the work of the Elohist (q.v.): Num_1:1 to Num_10:28; Num_13:2-16 (in its original, though not in its present form); 15; Num_16:1-11; Num_16:16-24 (?);Numbers 17-19; Num_20:1-13; Num_20:22-29; Numbers 25-31 (except perhaps 26:31); Num_32:5; Num_32:28-42 (Num_32:1-4 uncertain); Numbers 33-36. The rest of the book is, according to him, by the Jehovist, or later editor. Von Lengerke (Kenaan. p. 81) and Stahelin (§ 23) make a similar division, though they differ as to some verses, and even whole chapters. Vaihinger (in Herzog's Encyklopddie, art. Pentateuch) finds traces of three distinct documents, which he ascribes severally to the pre- Elohist, the Elohist, and the Jehovist. To the first he assigns Num_10:29-36; Num_11:12; Num_11:16 (in its original form); Num_20:14-21; Num_21:1-9; Num_21:13-35; Num_32:33-42; Num_33:55-56. To the Elohist belong Num_1:1 to Num_10:28; Num_11:1 to Num_12:16; Num_13:1 to Num_20:13; Num_20:22-29; Num_21:10-12; Num_22:1; Num_25:1 to Num_31:54; Num_32:13; 33:1-36:19. To the Jehovist. Num_11:1 to Num_12:16 (uberarbeitet); Num_22:2 to Num_24:25; Num_31:8, etc.
But the grounds on which this distinction of documents rests are in every respect most unsatisfactory. The use of the divine names, which was. the starting point of this criticism, ceases to be a criterion; and certain words and phrases, a particular manner or coloring, the narrative of miracles or prophecies, are supposed to decide whether a passage belongs to the earlier or the later document. Thus, for instance, Stahelin alleges as reasons for assigning ch. 11, 12 to the Jehovist, the coming down of Jehovah to speak with Moses, Num_11:17; Num_11:25; the pillar of a cloud, Num_12:5; the relation between Joshua and Moses, Num_11:28, as in Exodus 33, 34; the seventy elders, Num_11:16, as Exo_24:1, and so on. So again in the Jehovistic section, 13, 14, he finds traces of “the author of the First Legislation” in one passage (Exo_13:2-17), because of the use of the word , מטה, signifying “a tribe,” and נשיא, as in Numbers 1, 7. But נשיא is. used also by the supposed supplementist, as in Exo_22:27; Exo_34:31; and that מטה, is not peculiar to the older documents has been shown by Keil (Com. on Joshua, § xix). Von Lengerke goes still further, and cuts off Num_13:2-16 altogether from what follows. He thus makes the story of the spies, as given by the Elohist., strangely maimed. We only hear of their being sent to Canaan, but nothing of thei return and their report. The chief reason for this separation is that in Num_13:27 occurs the Jehovistic phrase “flowing with milk and honey,” and some references to other earlier Jehovistic passages. De Wette again finds a repetition in Exo_14:26-31 of Exo_14:11-25, and accordingly gives these passages to the Elohist and Jehovist respectively. This has more color of probability about it, but has been answered by Ranke (Untersuch. 2:197 sq.). Again, ch. 16 is supposed to be a combination of two different accounts, the original or Elohistic document having contained only the story of the rebellion of Korah and his company, while the Jehovist mixed up with it the insurrection of Dathan and Abiram, which was directed rather against the temporal dignity than against the spiritual authority of Moses. But it is against this view that, in order to justify it, Num_16:12; Num_16:14; Num_16:27; Num_16:32 are treated as interpolations. Besides, the discrepancies which it is alleged have arisen from .the fusing of the two narratives disappear when fairly looked at. There is no contradiction, for instance, between Num_16:19, where Korah appears at the tabernacle:of the congregation, and Num_16:27, where Dathan and Abiram stand at the door of their tents. In the last passage Korah is not mentioned; and even if we suppose him to be included, the narrative allows time for his having left the Tabernacle and returned to his own tent. Nor, again, does the statement, Num_16:35, that the 250 men who offered incense were destroyed by fire, and who had, as we learn from Num_16:2, joined the leaders of the insurrection, Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, militate against the narrative in Num_16:32, according to which Dathan and Abiram and all that appertained to Korah were swallowed up alive by the opening of the earth. Further, it is clear, as Keil remarks (Einleit. p. 94), that the earlier document (die Grundschrift) implies that persons belonging to the other tribes were mixed up in Korah's rebellion, because they say to Moses and Aaron (Num_16:3), “All the congregation is holy,” which justifies the statement in vers. 1, 2, that, besides Korah the Levite, the Reubenites Dathan, Abiram, and On were leaders of the insurrection.
In ch. 12 we have a remarkable instance of the jealousy with which the authority of Moses was regarded even in his. own family. Considering the almost absolute nature of that authority, this is perhaps hardly to be wondered at. On the other hand, as we are expressly reminded, there was everything in his personal character to disarm jealousy. “Now the man Moses was very meek above all the men which were .upon the face of the earth,” says the historian (Num_12:3). The pretext for the outburst of this feeling on the part of Miriam and Aaron was that Moses had married an Ethiopian woman (a woman of Cush). This was probably, as Ewald suggests, a second wife married after the death of Zipporah. But there is no reason for supposing, as he does (Gesch. 2:229, note), that we have here a confusion of two accounts. He observes that the words of the brother and sister, “Hath the Lord indeed spoken only by Moses, hath he not also spoken by us?” show that the real ground of their jealousy was the apparent superiority of Moses in the prophetical office; whereas, according to the narrative, their dislike was occasioned by his marriage with a foreigner and a person of inferior rank. But nothing surely can be more natural than that the long pent-up feeling of jealousy should have fastened upon the marriage as a pretext to begin the quarrel, and then have shown itself in its true character in the words recorded by the historian.
It is not perhaps to be wondered at that the episode of Balaam (Num_22:2 to Num_24:25) .should have been regarded as a later addition. The language is peculiar, as well as the general cast of the narrative. The prophecies are vivid, and the diction of them highly finished: very different from the rugged, Vigorous fragments of ancient poetry which meet us in ch. 21. On these grounds, as well as on the score of the distinctly Messianic character of Balaam's prophecies, Ewald give this episode to his Fifth Narrator, or the latest edito) of the Pentateuch. This writer he supposes to have lived in the former half of the 8th century B.C., and hence he accounts for the reference to Assyria and the — Cypriotes (the Chittim); the latter nation about that time probably infesting as pirates the coasts of Syria whereas Assyria might be joined with Eber, because yet the Assyrian power, though hostile to the southern nations, was rather friendly than otherwise to Judah The allusions to Edom and Moab as vanquished enemies have reference, it is said, to the time of David (Ewald Gesch. 1:143 sq., and comp. 2:277 sq.).
The prophecies of Balaam therefore, on this hypothesis, are vaticinia ex eventu, put into his mouth by a clever but not very scrupulous writer of the time of Isaiah, who, find in some mention of Balaam as a prince of Midian in the older records, put the story into shape as we have now. But this sort of criticism is so purely arbitrary that it scarcely merits a serious refutation, not to mention that it rests entirely on the assumption that it prophecy there is no such thing as prediction. Win will only observe that, considering the peculiarity of the man and of the circumstances as given in the history, we might expect to find the narrative itself, and certainly the poetical portions of it, marked by some peculiarities of thought and diction. Even granting that this episode is not by the same writer as the rest of the book of Numbers, there appears no valid reason to doubt its antiquity, or its rightful claim to the place which it at present occupies. Nothing can be more improbable than that, as a later invention, it should have found its way into the Book of the Law. At all events, the picture of this great magician is wonderfully in keeping with the circumstances under which he appears and with the prophecies which he utters. This is not the place to enter into all the questions which are suggested by his appearance on the scene. How it was that a heathen became a prophet of Jehovah we are not informed; but such a-fact seems to point to some remains of a primitive revelation, not yet extinct, in other nations besides that of Israel. It is evident that his knowledge of God was beyond that of most heathen, and he himself could utter the passionate wish that he might be found in his death among the true servants of Jehovah; but because the soothsayer's craft promised to be gainful, and the profession of it gave him an additional importance and influence in the eyes of men like Balak, he sought to combine it with his higher vocation. There is nothing more remarkable in the early history of Israel than Balaam's appearance. Summoned from his home by the: Euphrates, he stands by his red altar-fires, weaving his dark and subtle sorceries, or goes to seek for enchantment, hoping, as he looked down upon the tents of Israel among the acacia-groves of the valley, to wither them with his word, yet constrained to bless, and to foretell their future greatness. SEE BALAAM.
The book of Numbers is rich in fragments of ancient poetry, some of them of great beauty, and all throwing an interesting light on the character of the times in which they were composed. Such, for instance, is the blessing of the high-priest (Num_6:24-26):
“Jehovah bless thee and keep thee: Jehovah make his countenance shine upon thee,
And be gracious unto thee: Jehovah lift up his countenance upon thee,
And give thee peace.”
Such, too, are the chants which were the signal for the ark to move when the people journeyed, and for it to rest when they were about to encamp:
“Arise, O Jehovah! let thine enemies be scattered: Let them also that hate thee flee before thee.”
And,
“Return, O Jehovah, To the ten thousands of the families of Israel!”
In ch. 21 we have a passage cited from a book called, “The Book of the Wars of Jehovah.” This was probably a collection of ballads and songs composed on different occasions by the watch-fires of the camp, and for the most part, though not perhaps exclusively, in commemoration of the victories of the Israelites over their enemies., The title shows us that these were written by men imbued with a deep sense of religion, and who were therefore foremost to acknowledge that not their own prowess, but Jehovah's right hand, had given them the victory when they went forth to battle. Hence it was called, not “The Book of the Wars of Israel,” but “The Book of the Wars of Jehovah.” Possibly this is the book referred to in Exo_17:14, especially as we read (Exo_17:16) that when Moses built the altar which he called Jehovah-Nissi (Jehovah is my banner), he exclaimed, “Jehovah will have war with Amalek from generation to generation.” This expression may have given the name to the book. The fragment quoted from this collection is difficult, because the allusions in it are obscure. The Israelites had reached the Arnon, “which,” says the historian, “forms the border of Moab, and separates between the Moabites and Amorites.” “Wherefore it is said,” he continues, “in the Book of the Wars of Jehovah:
‘‘Vaheb in Suphah and the torrent-beds;
Arnon and the slope of the torrent-beds
Which turneth to where Ar lieth,
And which leaneth upon the border of Moab.”’
The next is a song which was sung on the digging of a well at a spot where they encamped, and which from this circumstance was called Beêr, or “The Well.” It runs as follows:
“Spring up, O well! sing ye to it:
Well, which the princes dug,
Which the nobles of the people bored
With the scepter-of-office, with their staves.”
This song, first sung at the digging of the well, was afterwards no doubt commonly used by those who came to draw water. The maidens of Israel chanted it one to another, verse by verse, as they toiled at the bucket, and thus beguiled their labor. “Spring up, O well!” was the burden or refrain of the song, which would pass from one mouth to another at each fresh coil of the rope, till the full bucket reached the well's mouth. But the peculiar charm of the song lies not only in its antiquity, but in the characteristic touch which so manifestly connects it with the life of the time to which the narrative assigns it. The one point which is dwelt upon is that the leaders of the people took their part in the work, that they themselves helped to dig the well. In the new generation, who were about to enter the Land of Promise, a strong feeling of sympathy between the people and their rulers had sprung up, which augured well for the future, and which left its stamp even on the ballads and songs of the time. This little carol is fresh and lusty with young life; it sparkles like the water of the well whose springing up first occasioned it; it is the expression, on the part of those who sung it, of lively confidence in the sympathy and cooperation of their leaders, which, manifested in this one instance, might be relied upon in all emergencies (Ewald, Gesch. 2:264 ‘sq.). Immediately following this “Song of the Well” comes a song of victory, composed after a defeat of the Moabites and the occupation of their territory. It is in a taunting, mocking strain, and is commonly considered to have been written by some Israelitish bard on the occupation of the Amoritish territory. Yet the manner in which it is introduced would rather lead to the belief that we have here the translation of an old Amoritish ballad. The history tells us that when Israel approached the country of Sihon they sent messengers to him, demanding permission to pass through his territory. The request was refused. Sihon came out against them, but was defeated in battle. “Israel,” it is said, “smote him with the edge of the sword, and took his land in possession, from the Arnon to the Jabbok and as far as the children of Ammon, for the border of the children of Ammon was secure (i.e. they made no encroachments upon Ammonitish territory). Israel also took all these cities, and dwelt in all the cities of the Amorites in Heshbon, and all her daughters” (i.e. lesser towns and villages). Then follows a little scrap of Amoritish history: “For Heshbon is the city of Sihon, king of the Amorites, and he had waged war with the former king of Moab, and had taken from him all his land as far as the Arnon. Wherefore the ballad-singers (המשלים) say:
‘Come to Heshbhon, Let the city of Sihon be built and established! For fire went forth from Heshhon, A flame out of the stronghold (קריה) of Sihon, Which devoured Ar of Moab! The lords of the high places of Arnon. Woe to thee, Moab! Thou art undone, O people of Chemosh! He (i.e. Chemosh thy god) hath given up his sons as fugitives, And his daughters into captivity, To Sihon king of the Amorites. Then we cast them down; Heshbon perished even unto Dibon, And we laid (it) waste unto Nophah, which (reacheth) unto Medebah.'“
If the song is of Hebrew origin, then the former part of it is a biting taunt. “Come, ye Amorites, into your city of Heshbon, and build it up again. Ye boasted that ye had burned it with fire and driven out its Moabitish inhabitants; but now we have come in our turn and have burned Heshbon, and have driven you out as ye once burned it and drove out its Moabitish possessors.”
III. Credibility. — There have frequently been raised strong doubts against the historical veracity of the book of Numbers, although it is impressed with indubitable marks of the age to which it refers, and is of perfect authenticity. The numerical statements in ch. 1-4 are such that they repel every suspicion of forgery. There could be no motive for any fabrication of this description. The numbering of the people is in perfect harmony with Exo_38:26. The amount is he stated in round, numbers, because a general survey only was required. When requisite, the more exact numbers are also added (Num_3:39; Num_3:43). A later forger would certainly have affected to possess the most exact knowledge of those circumstances, and consequently would have given, not round, but particularly definite numbers. The account of the setting apart of the tribe of Levi has been especially urged as bearing the marks of fiction; but this account is strongly confirmed by the distribution of the cities of the Levites (Numbers 35; Joshua 21). This distribution is an undeniable fact, and the existence of these Levitical towns may be appealed to as a document proving that the Levites were really set apart. Our opponents have vainly endeavored to find contradictions; for instance, in the system of tithing (ch. 18), which, they say, is not mentioned in Deuteronomy, where the tithes are applied to different purposes (Deu_12:6-7; Deu_12:17-19; Deu_14:22 sq.; Deu_26:12-15). But there were two sorts of tithes: one appointed for the maintenance of the Levites, and the other to defray the expenses of public banquets, of which the Levites also partook on account of their position in society (comp. Neh_13:10; Tob_1:7).
It has also been asserted that the book of Numbers contradicts itself in Num_4:2-3, and Num_8:24, with respect to the proper age of Levites for doing duty. But the first of these passages speaks about carrying the tabernacle, and the second about performing sacred functions in the tabernacle. To carry the tabernacle was heavier work, and required an age of thirty years. The functions within the tabernacle were comparatively easy, for which an age of twenty-five years was deemed sufficient.
The opinions of those writers who deem that the book of Numbers had a mythical character are in contradiction with passages like 10:26 sq., where Hobab is requested by Moses to aid the march through the wilderness. Such passages were written by a conscientious reporter, whose object was to state facts, who did not confine himself merely to the relation of miracles, and who. does not conceal the natural occurrences which preceded the marvelous events in ch. 11 sq. How are our opponents able to reconcile these facts? Here again they require the aid of a new hypothesis, and speak of fragments loosely connected.
The author of the book of Numbers proves himself to be intimately acquainted with Egypt. The products mentioned in Num_11:5 are, according to the most accurate investigations, really those which in that country chiefly served for food. In ch. 13 and 22 we find a notice concerning Zoan (Tanis), which indicates an exact knowledge of Egyptian history, as well in the author as in his readers. In Num_17:2, where the writing of a name on a stick is mentioned, we find an allusion characteristic of Egyptian customs (comp. Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, 1:388).
The history of the rebellion of the sons of Korah (Num_16:17) has certainly some coloring of the marvelous, but it nevertheless bears the stamp of truth. It is absurd to suppose that a poet who wrote Num_17:6 sq., in order to magnify the priestly dignity, should have represented the Levites themselves as the chief authors of these criminal proceedings. This circumstance is the more important, because the descendants of Korah (Num_26:11) afterwards became one of the most distinguished Levitical families. In this position we find them as early as the times of David; so that it is inconceivable how anybody should have entertained the idea of inventing crime to be charged upon one of the ancestors of this illustrious family.
Many vestiges of antiquity are found in ch. 21. The whole chapter, indeed, bears a characteristically antique impress, which manifests itself in all those ancient poems that are here communicated only in fragments, as required for the illustration of the narrative. Even such critical skeptics as De Wette consider these poems to be relics of the Mosaic period. But they are so closely connected with history as to be unintelligible without a knowledge of the facts to which they refer. Narratives like the history of Balaam (ch. 22-24) furnish also numerous proofs of their high antiquity. These confirmations are of the greatest importance, on account of the many marvelous and enigmatical points of the narrative. Compare, for instance, the geographical statements, which are uncommonly accurate, in Num_22:1; Num_22:36; Num_22:39; Num_23:14; Num_23:17; Num_23:27-28; see Hengstenberg's Gesch. Bileam's (Berlin, 1842), p. 221 sq. (See above.)
The nations particularly mentioned in Balaam's prophecy — the Amalekites, Edomites, Moabites, and Kenites — belong to the Mosaic period. In Num_24:7, it is stated that the king of Israel would be greater than Agag: and it can be proved that Agag was a standing title of the Amalekitish princes, and that consequently there is no necessity to refer this declaration to that king Agag whom Saul vanquished. The Kenites, at a later period, disappeared entirely from history. A prophet from Mesopotamia was likely to make particular mention of Asshur (Num_24:22). There is also a remarkable prediction that persons sailing from the coast of Chittim should subdue Asshur and Eber (Num_24:24). The inhabitants of the West should vanquish the dwellers in the East. The writers who consider the predictions of Balaam to have been written after the events to which they refer bring us down to so late a period as the Grecian age, in which the whole passage could have been inserted only under the supposition of most arbitrary dealings with history. The truth of the Biblical narrative here asserts its power. There occur similar accounts, in which it is strikingly evident that they proceeded' from the hands of an author contemporary with the events: for instance, ch. 32, in which the distribution of the transjordanic territory is recorded; and even the account, which has so frequently been attacked, concerning the Havoth-jair, the small towns, or rather tent-villages of Jair (Num_32:41-42; comp. Jdg_10:4; Deu_3:14), is fully justified on a closer examination.
The list of stations in ch. 33 is an important document, which could not have originated in a poetical imagination. This list contains a survey of the whole route of the Israelites, and mentions individual places only in case the Israelites abode there for a considerable period. It is not the production of a diligent compiler, but rather the original work of an author well versed in the circumstances of that period. A later author would certainly have avoided the appearance of some contradictions, such as that in Num_33:30-31, comp. with Deu_10:6. This contradiction may best be removed by observing that the book of Numbers speaks of the expedition of the Israelites in the second year of their wanderings, and the book of Deuteronomy of their expedition in the fortieth year. The list of stations contains also important historical notices; those, for. instance, in Num_33:4; Num_33:9; Num_33:14; Num_33:38. These notices demonstrate the accurate historical information of the author.
The great fact. which is the basis of the narrative of this whole book, namely, the sojourn of the Israelites during forty years in the wilderness, is not open to any just objection. The manner in which the narrator states this fact we have mentioned above. A view so strictly theocratical, and a description so purely objective, are most befitting the law-giver himself. Modern criticism has chiefly taken offense at the statement that Jehovah had announced all this as a punishment to be inflicted upon the people. This, they say, is incomprehensible. However, the fact stands firm. that the Israelites really abode forty years in the wilderness. This fact is proved in the Scriptures by many other testimonies. Hence arises the question how this protracted abode was occasioned, and what induced Moses to postpone or give up, the conquest of Canaan. De Wette says that such resignation, in giving up a plan to which one has devoted the full half of a life, is not human. Goethe asserted that by such a representation the picture of Moses is entirely disfigured. All this renders the problem of our opponents the more difficult. De Wette says, “Who knows what happened in that long period?” This question would amount to a confession of our entire ignorance concerning the real tuning-point of the history of Israel, and would make an enormous and most striking gap in universal history. It is incredible that no tradition should have been preserved in which was told to posterity what was here most important, even if it should have been much disfigured. It is incredible that there should have been communicated only what was comparatively insignificant. If that were the case, the traditions of Israel would form a perfectly isolated phenomenon. Thus the history of Israel itself would be. something incomprehensible. Either the history is inconceivable, or the astounding fact is, indeed, a truth. The resignation of Moses, and the sojourn of the people in the wilderness, can be explained only by assuming an extraordinary divine intervention. A merely natural interpretation is here completely futile. The problem can only be solved by assuming that the whole proceeded from the command of God, which is unconditionally obeyed by his servant, and to which even the rebellious people must bow, because they have amply experienced that without God they can do nothing.
IV. Commentaries. — The exegetical helps on the entire book of Numbers alone are not numerous. Besides those of the Church fathers, contained in their works, we specify the following: Chytraeus, Enarriationes (Vitemb. 1572, 1580, 8vo); Attersoll, Commentarie (Lond. 1618; fol.); also in Dutch (Amst. 1667, fol.); Lorinus, Commentarii (Lugd. 1622, fol.); Patrick, Commentary (Lond. 1699, 4to); Jaroslav, בַּאוּר(in Mendelssohn's Pentateuch, Berl. 1783, 8vo, and often since); Horsley, Notes (in Bib. Critica, vol. i); Cumming, Readings (Lond. 1855, 8vo); Jones, Commentary (Lond. 1880, 8vo). SEE PENTATEUCH.

CYCLOPEDIA OF BIBLICAL, THEOLOGICAL AND ECCLESIASTICAL
press 1895.





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